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Pål Wrange - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Swedish foreign policy on the Western Sahara conflict
Social Science Research Network, 2006Co-Authors: Magnus Schöldtz, Pål WrangeAbstract:Sweden has since the establishment of the United Nations promoted the important role of the organization in its efforts to promote peace around the world. For Sweden it has been natural to be involved in the UN efforts together with the whole international community in order to promote peace and security. The United Nations has also played an important role in the decolonization process during the post-war period. In The Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples1, adopted by the General Assembly in 1960, the member Countries declared the absolute necessity of ending Colonialism as soon as possible. In 1963 the Western Sahara was listed as non-self-governing territory by the United Nations (UN Charter, Ch. XI). Many former colonies attained independence during the 1960s and 1970s. Today there is still one Colonial territory left on the African continent that has not yet been decolonized, the former Spanish colony Spanish Sahara known today as Western Sahara. As early as in 1966 the United Nations adopted its first resolution2 on the territory urging Spain to organize, as soon as possible, a referendum under UN supervision on the territory’s right to exercise its right to self-determination. The Moroccan occupation of the territory, pursuant to the Madrid Agreement in 1975, is a violation of International Law and a non-legal act of hostility. In contrast to the colonies – which were conquered during a period when colonization was, regrettably, legal – the occupation and annexation of Western Sahara by Morocco in 1975 was not legal at that time. The International Court of Justice has decided that Morocco has no legal claim on the territory, and the UN Security Council has requested Morocco to withdraw from the territory. Morocco has not only an obligation to respect the right of Western Sahara to self-determination but also end its illegal annexation of Western Sahara.
Magnus Schöldtz - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Swedish foreign policy on the Western Sahara conflict
Social Science Research Network, 2006Co-Authors: Magnus Schöldtz, Pål WrangeAbstract:Sweden has since the establishment of the United Nations promoted the important role of the organization in its efforts to promote peace around the world. For Sweden it has been natural to be involved in the UN efforts together with the whole international community in order to promote peace and security. The United Nations has also played an important role in the decolonization process during the post-war period. In The Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples1, adopted by the General Assembly in 1960, the member Countries declared the absolute necessity of ending Colonialism as soon as possible. In 1963 the Western Sahara was listed as non-self-governing territory by the United Nations (UN Charter, Ch. XI). Many former colonies attained independence during the 1960s and 1970s. Today there is still one Colonial territory left on the African continent that has not yet been decolonized, the former Spanish colony Spanish Sahara known today as Western Sahara. As early as in 1966 the United Nations adopted its first resolution2 on the territory urging Spain to organize, as soon as possible, a referendum under UN supervision on the territory’s right to exercise its right to self-determination. The Moroccan occupation of the territory, pursuant to the Madrid Agreement in 1975, is a violation of International Law and a non-legal act of hostility. In contrast to the colonies – which were conquered during a period when colonization was, regrettably, legal – the occupation and annexation of Western Sahara by Morocco in 1975 was not legal at that time. The International Court of Justice has decided that Morocco has no legal claim on the territory, and the UN Security Council has requested Morocco to withdraw from the territory. Morocco has not only an obligation to respect the right of Western Sahara to self-determination but also end its illegal annexation of Western Sahara.
Heidi Nietz - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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“Reframing” relation-based practice in the child protection sector in remote Aboriginal communities of Australia
Journal of Social Work Practice, 2017Co-Authors: Heidi NietzAbstract:Australia, like other post-Colonial Countries, witnesses an over-representation of Indigenous children in the child protection sector and the trend continues to rise. International indigenous scholarship in child protection seeks to problematise relation-based practice to instantiate decolonising standards. However, much of this transformative agenda is situated in psychosocial approaches that focus on inherent power relations and thereby jettison strategies enabling social workers to engage in emotional learning to contain their defences against anxieties. An autoethnography of practice stressors in remote Aboriginal Australian communities is provided and a call for the restoration of relational psychodynamics as the most responsive form to decolonising practice standards.
Trevor Hopper - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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a bangladesh soap opera privatisation accounting and regimes of control in a less developed country
Accounting Organizations and Society, 2001Co-Authors: Shahzad Uddin, Trevor HopperAbstract:Abstract This paper reports an intensive case study of a soap manufacturing company in Bangladesh that was nationalised upon Bangladesh's independence in 1971 and privatised in 1993. Theoretically it is informed by Burawoy's contributions to labour process theory, especially how the consent of labour is manufactured through internal states, internal labour markets and games, and how regimes of control in less developed ex-Colonial Countries are transformed by state and production politics. How the role of accounting systems may shape and be shaped by these processes is traced. Nationalisation brought state attempts to manufacture consent by the methods described in Burawoy's depiction of hegemonic regimes. However, idealistic attempts to secure accountability, rational planning and control, and consent through bureaucratic means were subverted and transformed into a regime of political hegemony. Here control was secured by political interventions, often at the behest of trade unions, for party political rather than commercial ends. Detailed systems of accounting for control and accountability were maintained but became marginal, ritualistic, and de-coupled from operations. Privatisation brought changes consistent with Burawoy's prediction of coercive controls within a new despotic regime. New owners destroyed the internal state and internal labour markets and, following widespread redundancies, most workers were hired through internal subcontracting. The changes heightened worker divisions and rendered workers powerless to resist. Gaming was observed but this relieved the pressures of work intensification and proved functional to management. Significant changes to accounting controls were made. External reporting ceased in violation of legal requirements — financial accounting became the preserve of the owning family and was beset with irregularities. Budgets became more market oriented and were transmitted downwards in a physical form to reinforce coercive pressures upon managers and thence the shop floor. The paper concludes by relating the findings to a revised model of transformation of control regimes in Bangladesh
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A Bangladesh soap opera: privatisation, accounting, and regimes of control in a less developed country
Accounting Organizations and Society, 2001Co-Authors: Shahzad Uddin, Trevor HopperAbstract:This paper reports an intensive case study of a soap manufacturing company in Bangladesh that was nationalised upon Bangladesh's independence in 1971 and privatised in 1993. Theoretically it is informed by Burawoy's contributions to labour process theory, especially how the consent of labour is manufactured through internal states, internal labour markets and games, and how regimes of control in less developed ex-Colonial Countries are transformed by state and production politics. How the role of accounting systems may shape and be shaped by these processes is traced. Nationalisation brought state attempts to manufacture consent by the methods described in Burawoy's depiction of hegemonic regimes. However, idealistic attempts to secure accountability, rational planning and control, and consent through bureaucratic means were subverted and transformed into a regime of political hegemony. Here control was secured by political interventions, often at the behest of trade unions, for party political rather than commercial ends. Detailed systems of accounting for control and accountability were maintained but became marginal, ritualistic, and de-coupled from operations. Privatisation brought changes consistent with Burawoy's prediction of coercive controls within a new despotic regime. New owners destroyed the internal state and internal labour markets and, following widespread redundancies, most workers were hired through internal subcontracting. The changes heightened worker divisions and rendered workers powerless to resist. Gaming was observed but this relieved the pressures of work intensification and proved functional to management. Significant changes to accounting controls were made. External reporting ceased in violation of legal requirements - financial accounting became the preserve of the owning family and was beset with irregularities. Budgets became more market oriented and were transmitted downwards in a physical form to reinforce coercive pressures upon managers and thence the shop floor. The paper concludes by relating the findings to a revised model of transformation of control regimes in Bangladesh © 2001 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved
David Ohls - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Trade, institutions, and the timing of GATT/WTO accession in post-Colonial states
The Review of International Organizations, 2012Co-Authors: Mark S. Copelovitch, David OhlsAbstract:Prior to 1995, when the World Trade Organization (WTO) superseded the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), a number of states took advantage of GATT Article XXVI:5(c), which allowed them—as former colonies or component territories of existing GATT members—to quickly and simply join the multilateral trade regime. The speed with which these post-Colonial accessions took place, however, varied widely: some states joined immediately upon independence, while others joined much later. Still other post-Colonial states passed on this opportunity, only to subsequently begin the longer, more onerous accession process required of other GATT/WTO applicants. Our paper seeks to explain this variation in the timing of post-Colonial states’ accession to the GATT/WTO. We argue that three key variables explain the timing of accession decisions: 1) a country’s trade ties with existing member-states; 2) its existing preferential trade agreement (PTA) commitments; and 3) its domestic political institutions—specifically, the country’s level of democracy. Furthermore, we argue that the effects of these variables are conditional upon each other: post-Colonial Countries with more extensive trade ties to existing member-states were more likely to accede rapidly under Article XXVI:5(c), but only under specific conditions—namely, when they had not already locked in ties with key trading partners through bilateral or regional PTAs, and when they were governed by a more democratic regime. We test this argument empirically using an original dataset of 61 post-Colonial states from 1951 to 2004. Our results strongly support this explanation of GATT/WTO accession and help to clarify the pattern of participation in the multilateral trading system that we have observed over the last half-century.
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trade institutions and the timing of gatt wto accession in post Colonial states
Review of International Organizations, 2012Co-Authors: Mark S. Copelovitch, David OhlsAbstract:Prior to 1995, when the World Trade Organization (WTO) superseded the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), a number of states took advantage of GATT Article XXVI:5(c), which allowed them—as former colonies or component territories of existing GATT members—to quickly and simply join the multilateral trade regime. The speed with which these post-Colonial accessions took place, however, varied widely: some states joined immediately upon independence, while others joined much later. Still other post-Colonial states passed on this opportunity, only to subsequently begin the longer, more onerous accession process required of other GATT/WTO applicants. Our paper seeks to explain this variation in the timing of post-Colonial states’ accession to the GATT/WTO. We argue that three key variables explain the timing of accession decisions: 1) a country’s trade ties with existing member-states; 2) its existing preferential trade agreement (PTA) commitments; and 3) its domestic political institutions—specifically, the country’s level of democracy. Furthermore, we argue that the effects of these variables are conditional upon each other: post-Colonial Countries with more extensive trade ties to existing member-states were more likely to accede rapidly under Article XXVI:5(c), but only under specific conditions—namely, when they had not already locked in ties with key trading partners through bilateral or regional PTAs, and when they were governed by a more democratic regime. We test this argument empirically using an original dataset of 61 post-Colonial states from 1951 to 2004. Our results strongly support this explanation of GATT/WTO accession and help to clarify the pattern of participation in the multilateral trading system that we have observed over the last half-century.