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Suat Zeyrek - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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ii mesrutiyet surecinde osmanli devleti nde ordu siyaset iliskileri uzerine genel bir bakis an overview to relations between army policy in ottoman state during the ii Constitutional Monarchy course
Social Science Research Network, 2014Co-Authors: Suat ZeyrekAbstract:Turkish Abstract: 3. Ordu’ya mensup muvazzaf subaylarin destegiyle yapilan 1908’deki Jon Turk darbesiyle siyasete uzun bir aradan sonra buyuk bir baski yapilmisti. Aslinda halkin, mesrutiyet taleplerine ve saraya karsi harekete katildigi soylenemez. Ittihat ve Terakki Cemiyeti, 1908 darbesini gerceklestirmis fakat ordudaki bolunmeyi onleyememisti. Bolunmeyle birlikte birtakim subaylar ordunun gorevi disina cikmasina ve siyasilesmesine karsi cikmislardi. Orduda siyasilesmenin etkisiyle alayli - mektepli kavgasi baslamisti. Ittihatcilar hem mektepli hem de aktif siyaset icinde yer aldiklarindan dolayi iktidar icin tehdit unsuruydular. ITC – ordu iliskilerine bakildiginda, cemiyetin ordusu degil de ordunun cemiyeti soz konusuydu. Cemiyet adeta orduya bagimli gibiydi. Mesrutiyet’i ilan etmek icin daga cikan subaylar, sokaga inmislerdi. Ordu modernlesme surecine girdigi halde savas kabiliyetini artirabilmis degildi. 31 Mart olayini bastiran Mahmut Sevket Pasahemen Harbiye Naziri ardindan uc ordunun mufettisi olmustu. Artik Istanbul basta olmak uzere ulke genelinde Hareket ordusunun etkinligi hissedilmeye baslamisti. Mahmut Sevket Pasa’nin uygulamalarina ve ordu – siyaset iliskilerine karsi tepkisel mahiyette bazi olaylar meydana gelmisti. Bunun en onemlisi 1912’de gerceklesen Halaskar Zabitan Hareketi’dir. Bu grup,secimlerin yenilenmesini ve ordunun siyaset yapmamasini istiyordu. Sunduklari beyannamede aslinda kendileri de siyaset yapmaktaydilar.Ornegin mesruti esaslara dayali bir yonetim talep ediyorlardi. Bu hareket neticesinde ittihatci kesimce desteklenen Sait Pasa hukumeti cekilmek zorunda kaldi. Bu makalede mesrutiyet doneminde ordu-siyaset iliskileri incelenmis, bunun sebep ve sonuclari uzerinde durulmustur. Gorevlerini kotuye kullanan subaylarin, siyaseti cikarlarina alet ettikleri, menfaat sagladiklari gorulmustur. Iki gruba bolunen subaylarin aslinda birbirlerine degil ulkeye zarar verdikleri,yasanan olaylarla kendini gostermistir. Arnavutluk olaylari ve Balkan Savasi’nda yasanan olumsuzluklar bunun acik bir kanitidir. English Abstract: The Young Turk coup in 1908 was made with the support of active duty officers. Committee of Union and Progress in these years, during the liberal wing of the Unionist wing factions form is reserved Stroke from 1908 actually performs the army conservatives, liberals, was capturing between Unionists and neutrals. Neutrals don't want politicized soldiers and the army must be only defense-oriented. Cutting and sarcastic Conservative were more connecting to the sultan. Unionists scholar and threatened by their management as well as taking part in active politics. ITC - from military relations, society, society of the army there was not an army. Society seemed to depend almost the army. Officers in particular, the effect of this feeling can not do normal periods, not only they had to be activities. Before you go to the mountain you may came on the scene to declare, and then drive into the street. During this period, non-political integrity Sevket Mahmud Pasha largely in the hands of the military government. The rebel movement in 1909 (Case of 31) were suppressed by the commander. However, Sevket Mahmud Pasha, the politicization of the military's support and rebellion on behalf of the CUP, stressed that only the country has been disposed of in the name of it. This article examines relations between military and civil during Musrutiyet period by focusing on the causes and their consequences. It was observed that officers were abusing their duties and they were using politics in own interests. After the events in the country it was shown that the officers who were divided into two groups did not harm each other only, but were actually damaging the country. Events in Albania and difficulties experienced during Balkan wars are vivid evidences of this.
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ii mesrutiyet te demokratik muhalefetin sonu arnavut isyanlari ve sonuclari the end of the democratic opposition in the second Constitutional Monarchy albanian uprisings and its consequences
Social Science Research Network, 2012Co-Authors: Suat ZeyrekAbstract:Turkish Abstract: Osmanli Devleti’nin Balkanlarda guc kaybetmeye baslamasiyla birlikte Arnavutlar, yeni arayislar icine girmislerdi. Balkanlarda diger toplumlarin bagimsizlik cabalari, Arnavutlar arasinda farkli davranislar biciminde ortaya cikmisti. 1878’den itibaren Arnavut ulusal kimligini olusturma mucadelesi, Jon Turk muhalefetinin gelistigi doneme rastlamisti. Arnavutlarin destegi ile Turkiye’de rejim degismis, II. Abdulhamid’in guclu saltanati tehdit edilmeye baslanmisti. Fakat Mesrutiyetten sonra Arnavutlarin dislanmasiyla birlikte Arnavutluk’ta gayri memnunlar cogalmis ve kucuk bir azinligin istegi olan bagimsizlik sureci baslamisti. Mesrutiyet surecinde devleti mesgul eden Arnavutlar, hem batili devletlerin nufuz alanina girmis hem de Balkan devletlerini harekete gecirerek, aralarinda ittifak yapmalarini kolaylastirmistir. Bu da Balkan Savasi’na giden sureci hizlandirmisti.English Abstract: With the start of the Ottoman State to lose power in the Balkans, the Albanians together beyond into new trials. Other communities’ efforts of independence in the Balkans appeared in the form of different behaviours among the Albanians. Since 1878, the Albanian national identity creation challenge. For the lack of Young Turkish era is evolving With the support of the Albanian regime has changed in Turkey in World War II. Abdulhamid's powerful reign had begun to be threatened. But in no longer on Saturdays, along with Albania after Albanian and a small minority had begun the process of independence with the request. In the process of Constitutional and Western States who engage in the State field to penetrate the Albanians as well as invoking the Balkan States, among them entered the Alliance made it easier to perform. This is also the process of Balkan war outgoing.
Carlos Miguel Ferreira - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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science represented in newspapers in the Constitutional Monarchy and the 1st republic a study in faial island the azores portugal
Journal of Educational and Social Research, 2021Co-Authors: Sandro Serpa, Carlos Miguel FerreiraAbstract:This study aims to apprehend the representations of science published in two local newspapers (O Faialense and O Telegrafo) published in the periphery of Portugal (Faial Island, the Azores), in the last quarter of the 19th and early 20th century. For this purpose, the authors carried out a thematic and qualitative analysis of the news collected in these two newspapers. Results allow concluding that, while Positivism is considered one of the main currents of thought justifying the rise of the republican logic, which culminated in the revolution that deposed the Constitutional Monarchy regime and implemented the republican regime in 1910 in Portugal, the research carried out shows a growing appreciation and visibility of the importance ascribed to both science and technology, without, however, any explicit association with political ideologies. This may be due to the type of search carried out and the editorial lines of the two newspapers, as well as – or also – to their peripheral geographical location concerning the propagation of these ideas. Received: 31 October 2020 / Accepted: 9 December 2020 / Published: 17 January 2021
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social representations of the disadvantaged childhood s asylum of horta in the press azores portugal from the Constitutional Monarchy to the first republic
Societies, 2019Co-Authors: Sandro Serpa, Carlos Miguel Ferreira, Ana Isabel SantosAbstract:The aim of this article is to understand the symbolic representations of the assistance strategies aimed at disadvantaged children, expressed in two newspapers published on the island of Faial, in the Azores, in the second half of the 19th and early 20th centuries (covering the time horizon between the end of the monarchic period and the implementation of the First Republic). The technique of documentary analysis and a subsequent qualitative thematic content analysis of childcare news collected in two local newspapers were used. The discursive records produced by the press on the assistance strategies value, on the one hand, an axiological dimension and forms of charitable intervention and, on the other hand, aggregate and reconcile the discourses and techniques inherent to charitable and philanthropic models. This mutual assimilation underlies the achievement of the same objective: The moralization and integration of disadvantaged invalid childhood and, above all, the protection of the existing social order. We conclude that, perhaps contrary to what would be expected, the charitable logic articulated in a concomitant way with the philanthropic logic survived, even with the stabilization of the republican period (result of a revolution that deposed the regime of the Constitutional Monarchy and implemented the republican regime in 1910 in Portugal, whose political elites mobilized an official discourse that advocated the separation between the State and Religion, assigning the State the function of social assistance for children and youth). This demonstrates a certain dissociation, as well as a relative autonomy of conceptions about child and youth care between republican political ideology and current social practices, at least in this specific context.
George Tridimas - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Constitutional Monarchy as power sharing
Constitutional Political Economy, 2021Co-Authors: George TridimasAbstract:In the transition to democracy some autocracies transformed to republics while others evolved to Constitutional monarchies. The paper inquires how Constitutional Monarchy is established. It models a hereditary king and a liberal challenger who coexist over a succession of periods and fight for power which brings office rents and the right to decide one’s preferred policy. The outcome of the confrontation is uncertain and may vary from period to period. If the king wins, he establishes absolute Monarchy, but if the liberal wins he establishes a republic. Instead of fighting they may agree on a Constitutional Monarchy and share office rents and policy making responsibilities. Whether Constitutional Monarchy is agreed depends on the marginal utilities from rents and policy preferences of the two actors, the sizes of the benefits from rents and policy, the rates by which they discount the future, and the probabilities of winning office. The contemporary European Constitutional monarch as a ceremonial head of state who reigns but does not govern arises as a special case of the general model.
Sandro Serpa - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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science represented in newspapers in the Constitutional Monarchy and the 1st republic a study in faial island the azores portugal
Journal of Educational and Social Research, 2021Co-Authors: Sandro Serpa, Carlos Miguel FerreiraAbstract:This study aims to apprehend the representations of science published in two local newspapers (O Faialense and O Telegrafo) published in the periphery of Portugal (Faial Island, the Azores), in the last quarter of the 19th and early 20th century. For this purpose, the authors carried out a thematic and qualitative analysis of the news collected in these two newspapers. Results allow concluding that, while Positivism is considered one of the main currents of thought justifying the rise of the republican logic, which culminated in the revolution that deposed the Constitutional Monarchy regime and implemented the republican regime in 1910 in Portugal, the research carried out shows a growing appreciation and visibility of the importance ascribed to both science and technology, without, however, any explicit association with political ideologies. This may be due to the type of search carried out and the editorial lines of the two newspapers, as well as – or also – to their peripheral geographical location concerning the propagation of these ideas. Received: 31 October 2020 / Accepted: 9 December 2020 / Published: 17 January 2021
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social representations of the disadvantaged childhood s asylum of horta in the press azores portugal from the Constitutional Monarchy to the first republic
Societies, 2019Co-Authors: Sandro Serpa, Carlos Miguel Ferreira, Ana Isabel SantosAbstract:The aim of this article is to understand the symbolic representations of the assistance strategies aimed at disadvantaged children, expressed in two newspapers published on the island of Faial, in the Azores, in the second half of the 19th and early 20th centuries (covering the time horizon between the end of the monarchic period and the implementation of the First Republic). The technique of documentary analysis and a subsequent qualitative thematic content analysis of childcare news collected in two local newspapers were used. The discursive records produced by the press on the assistance strategies value, on the one hand, an axiological dimension and forms of charitable intervention and, on the other hand, aggregate and reconcile the discourses and techniques inherent to charitable and philanthropic models. This mutual assimilation underlies the achievement of the same objective: The moralization and integration of disadvantaged invalid childhood and, above all, the protection of the existing social order. We conclude that, perhaps contrary to what would be expected, the charitable logic articulated in a concomitant way with the philanthropic logic survived, even with the stabilization of the republican period (result of a revolution that deposed the regime of the Constitutional Monarchy and implemented the republican regime in 1910 in Portugal, whose political elites mobilized an official discourse that advocated the separation between the State and Religion, assigning the State the function of social assistance for children and youth). This demonstrates a certain dissociation, as well as a relative autonomy of conceptions about child and youth care between republican political ideology and current social practices, at least in this specific context.
Alexander William Salter - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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tullock s challenge a reconsideration of Constitutional Monarchy
Procesos de mercado: revista europea de economía política, 2021Co-Authors: Alexander William Salter, David J HebertAbstract:Tullock (2005, p. 160) notes that the perceived robust relationship between democracy and economic progress is due mostly to assumption, rather than analysis. Taking up Tullock’s challenge to consider the relationship bet - ween economic progress and other political forms, we re-assess the relation-ship between Monarchy and economic progress. Our analysis specifically focuses on the possibility of a «monarchical» constitution creating the insti-tutions within which, compared to democracy, a larger social surplus can be enjoyed. After summarizing the existing conversation on Monarchy vs. democracy, we outline a Constitutional political economy of Monarchy and apply it to the European country of Liechtenstein, which has enjoyed both rapid development and non-discriminatory governance under the kind of constitution we envision. We conclude by responding to anticipated objec-tions and proposing further avenues of inquiry on the political economy of Monarchy. Key words: Constitutional Political Economy, Democracy, Efficiency, Monarchy, Liechtenstein. JEL Classification: H1, H77, P1. Resumen: De acuerdo a Tullock (2005, p. 160) la solida relacion entre demo-cracia y progreso economico descansa mas en supuestos que en analisis. Tomando el desafio de Tullock de considerar la relacion entre progreso eco-nomico y diversas estructuras politicas, re-evaluamos la relacion entre mo-narquia y progreso economico. Nuestro analisis se enfoca especificamente en la posibilidad de una «monarquia» constitucional que crea la instituciones en las cuales, comparado con una democracia, un mayor beneficio social es posible. Luego de resumir la conversacion monarquia vs. democracia, pre-sentamos una politica economica constitucional de la monarquia y la apli-camos al pais europeo de Lichtenstein, que ha presentado un rapido desa-rrollo y una gobernanza no discriminatoria bajo el tipo de constitucion que presentamos. Concluimos respondiendo a anticipadas objeciones y pro po - niendo siguientes caminos de investigacion en el tema de la economia po-litica de la monarquia. Palabras clave: Economia Politica Constitutional, Democracia, Eficiencia, Monarquia, Liechtenstein. Clasificacion JEL: H1, H77, P1.
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medieval representative assemblies collective action and antecedents of limited government
Constitutional Political Economy, 2018Co-Authors: Alexander William Salter, Andrew T. YoungAbstract:Medieval monarchs in Western Europe responded to financial and military pressures by instituting representative assemblies. Three estates (classes; orders) were represented in these assemblies: clergy, nobility, and burghers. In the late medieval and early modern periods, some states tended towards absolutism (e.g., France); others towards Constitutional Monarchy (e.g., England). The German historian Otto Hintze conjectured that two-chamber assemblies were more likely to resist monarchical encroachments on their political authority than three-chamber assemblies. We argue that the two- versus three-chamber distinction is coincidental to what was truly relevant: whether chambers were estate-based or had mixed representation from multiple estates. We provide a comparative institutional analysis that emphasizes political bargaining and the costs of expressing special versus common interests. This analysis suggests that mixed representation assemblies, all else equal, provided a stronger check on absolutism than their estate-based counterparts. We also provide historical case studies of France and England that lend insights into why an estate-based Estates General arose in the former, while a mixed representation Parliament arose in the latter.
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tullock s challenge a reconsideration of Constitutional Monarchy
Social Science Research Network, 2014Co-Authors: Alexander William Salter, David J HebertAbstract:Tullock (2005, p. 160) notes that the perceived robust relationship between democracy and economic progress is due mostly to assumption, rather than analysis. Taking up Tullock’s challenge to consider the relationship between economic progress and other political forms, we re-assess the relationship between Monarchy and economic progress. Our analysis specifically focuses on the possibility of a "monarchical" constitution creating the institutions within which, compared to democracy, a larger social surplus can be enjoyed. After summarizing the existing conversation on Monarchy vs. democracy, we outline a Constitutional political economy of Monarchy and apply it to the European country of Liechtenstein, which has enjoyed both rapid development and non-discriminatory governance under the kind of constitution we envision. We conclude by responding to anticipated objections and proposing further avenues of inquiry on the political economy of Monarchy.