Declaration of War

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William L Silber - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • the great financial crisis of 1914 what can we learn from aldrich vreeland emergency currency
    Social Science Research Network, 2007
    Co-Authors: William L Silber
    Abstract:

    At the outbreak of World War I, the biggest gold outflow in a generation posed a double-barreled threat to American finance: An internal drain of currency from the banking system and an external drain of gold to Europe. The absence of an operational central bank encouraged Treasury Secretary William G. McAdoo to improvise the modern principle of aiming an independent weapon at each policy target. He employed a form of capital controls to deal with the external threat, shutting the New York Stock Exchange (NYSE) for more than four months to prevent Europeans from selling their American securities and demanding gold in return. And he invoked the emergency currency provisions of the Aldrich-Vreeland Act to deal with the internal threat, allowing banks to issue national bank notes without the normal requirement that the currency be secured by U.S. goverment bonds. According to Friedman and SchWartz (1963, p.196), by November 1914 "the country had recovered from... the Declaration of War in Europe, thanks in no small part to the availability of Aldrich-Vreeland emergency currency." This paper tests Friedman and SchWartz's conjecture about the power of Aldrich-Vreeland emergency currency and draws lessons for monetary policy.

  • the great financial crisis of 1914 what can we learn from aldrich vreeland emergency currency
    The American Economic Review, 2007
    Co-Authors: William L Silber
    Abstract:

    At the outbreak of World War I, the biggest gold outflow in a generation posed a doublebarreled threat to American finance—an internal drain of currency from the banking system and an external drain of gold to Europe. The Federal Reserve System, newly authorized by Congress on December 23, 1913, remained on the sidelines during the summer of 1914, a victim of political and administrative delays. The absence of an operational central bank encouraged Treasury Secretary William G. McAdoo to improvise the modern principle of aiming an independent weapon at each policy target. He employed a form of capital controls to deal with the external threat, shutting the New York Stock Exchange (NYSE) for more than four months to prevent Europeans from selling their American securities and demanding gold in return. And he invoked the emergency currency provisions of the Aldrich-Vreeland Act to deal with the internal threat, allowing banks to issue national bank notes, an important form of currency in pre–Federal Reserve days, without the normal requirement that the currency be secured by United States government bonds. According to Milton Friedman and Anna J. SchWartz, by November 1914, “the country had recovered from ... the Declaration of War in Europe, thanks in no small part to the availability of Aldrich-Vreeland emergency currency,” (1963, 196). Friedman and SchWartz also suggest that emergency currency “would have been equally effective on the occasion of the next threat of an interconvertibility [sic] crisis which arose in late 1930” (1963, 172). This paper tests Friedman and SchWartz’s conjecture about the power of Aldrich-Vreeland The Great Financial Crisis of 1914: What Can We Learn from Aldrich-Vreeland Emergency Currency?

Méndez Landa, Francisco Javier - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • Cuerpo y violencia y en México (1988-2018). Un estudio sobre la permeabilidad de la violencia en las artes contemporáneas mexicanas y sus repercusiones en el entendimiento del cuerpo
    'Universitat Politecnica de Valencia', 2021
    Co-Authors: Méndez Landa, Francisco Javier
    Abstract:

    [ES] La presente Tesis Doctoral constituye un estudio sobre las formas en que la violencia contemporánea en México ha repercutido el campo de las artes visuales, con un especial énfasis en la forma de entender y representar el cuerpo humano. Acotado en tres décadas (1988-2018), este trabajo es una investigación contextual que se afianza en el entramado social, político, histórico y económico para construir un análisis más profundo en torno a las formas en que la violencia ha trastocado igualmente el ámbito artístico, y poder ver cómo, a lo largo del tiempo, se ha modificado la imagen del cuerpo humano en la producción artística, gracias a que, por una parte, la muerte se presenta con más frecuencia en lo cotidiano y, por otra, los grupos criminales han recrudecido sus formas de ejercer violencia. Este panorama facilitó que muchos delitos graves se volvieran comunes, y poco a poco, los criminales llegaran a ejecutar actos violentos novedosos permitiendo nuevas formas de relación y trato con el cuerpo humano. Si con el paso del tiempo el crimen organizado ha vulnerado el cuerpo humano de formas cada vez más atroces, haciendo además un esfuerzo por visibilizarlos y acercarlos a la sociedad civil, ciertos artistas pueden ver en ello una oportunidad para reflexionar y construir nociones del cuerpo hasta ahora inéditas, como la de imaginar un cuerpo volátil, manifestado en la obra Vaporización (2001) de la artista sinaloense Teresa Margolles, donde propone un espacio lleno de vapor, consecuencia de alimentar condensadores situados al interior del museo, con agua previamente usada para lavar cadáveres en la morgue. El cuerpo que aquí presenta Margolles, anula toda figuración sólida y adquiere la capacidad incluso de flotar y adherirse a la piel y ropa del visitante, quién saldrá del espacio portando una milimétrica esencia humana ajena a su ser. Otro ejemplo son las concepciones humanas más cercanas a la máquina y la alta tecnología propias de las investigaciones del artista mexicano Rafael Lozano-Hemmer quién visualiza cuerpos humanos dependientes del código binario y que no dejan de ser inquietantes luego de reconocer que muchos de estos artefactos tecnológicos son igualmente usados tanto por el ejército como por los criminales en sus abyectos actos. Así, esta Tesis parte de un análisis contextual del México reciente, dejando cronológicamente el punto de inflexión de esta escalada de violencia -el año 2006- cerca de la mitad del período de tiempo estudiado para tener un antes y un después de la Declaración de Guerra por parte del Estado y permitir una cierta distancia en el análisis de las repercusiones en el arte de este enfrentamiento bélico. La segunda parte constituye un corpus teórico donde convergen reflexiones relativas a la violencia, la memoria y el duelo, para posteriormente reparar en el cuerpo humano y sus múltiples posibilidades. Lo anterior sirve de preámbulo para poder entender cómo el ser humano, en su total fragilidad, se ve afectado por agentes endógenos y exógenos que terminan por provocarle la muerte -una muerte impregnada con mayores o menores dosis de violencia-, para luego investigar sus correlatos en el campo artístico. Este análisis brinda un panorama del trabajo y pensamiento alrededor del cuerpo y permite ver cómo la violencia ha jugado un papel importante no solo en el contexto socio político de México, sino también en la forma de pensar e imaginar el cuerpo. Finalmente, gran parte de la riqueza de esta investigación proviene de las aportaciones de fuentes primarias, como son las entrevistas que pude realizar a más de veinticinco artistas, curadores e investigadores vivos que, en sus propias palabras, ayudan a entender los cambios que ha vivido México, sus artistas y la noción de cuerpo en las tres últimas décadas.[CA] La present Tesi Doctoral constitueix un estudi sobre les formes en què la violència contemporània a Mèxic ha repercutit el camp de les arts visuals, amb un especial èmfasi en la manera d'entendre i representar el cos humà. Delimitat en tres dècades (1988-2018), aquest treball és una investigació contextual que s'aferma en l'entramat social, polític, històric i econòmic per a construir una anàlisi més profunda entorn de les formes en què la violència ha trastocat igualment l'àmbit artístic, i poder veure com, al llarg del temps, s'ha modificat la imatge del cos humà en la producció artística, gràcies a que, d'una banda, la mort es presenta amb més freqüència en el quotidià i, per una altra, els grups criminals han empitjorat les seues maneres d'exercir violència. Aquest panorama va facilitar que molts delictes greus es tornaren comuns, i a poc a poc, els criminals arribaren a executar actes violents nous permetent noves formes de relació i tracte amb el cos humà. Si amb el pas del temps el crim organitzat ha vulnerat el cos humà de formes cada vegada més atroços, fent a més un esforç per visibilitzar-los i acostar-los a la societat civil, uns certs artistes poden veure en això una oportunitat per a reflexionar i construir nocions del cos fins ara inèdites, com la d'imaginar un cos volàtil, manifestat en l'obra Vaporización (2001) de l'artista sinaloense Teresa Margolles, on proposa un espai ple de vapor, conseqüència d'alimentar condensadors situats a l'interior del museu, amb aigua prèviament usada per a llavar cadàvers en la morgue. El cos que ací presenta Margolles, anul·la tota figuració sòlida i adquireix la capacitat fins i tot de surar i adherir-se a la pell i roba del visitant, qui eixirà de l'espai portant una mil·limètrica essència humana aliena a la seua ser. Un altre exemple són les concepcions humanes més pròximes a la màquina i l'alta tecnologia pròpies de les investigacions de l'artista mexicà Rafael Lozano-Hemmer qui visualitza cossos humans dependents del codi binari i que no deixen de ser inquietants després de reconéixer que molts d'aquests artefactes tecnològics són igualment usats tant per l'exèrcit com pels criminals en els seus abjectes actes. Així, aquesta Tesi parteix d'una anàlisi contextual del Mèxic recent, deixant cronològicament el punt d'inflexió d'aquesta escalada de violència -l'any 2006- prop de la meitat del període de temps estudiat per a tindre un abans i un després de la Declaració de Guerra per part de l'Estat i permetre una certa distància en l'anàlisi de les repercussions en l'art d'aquest enfrontament bèl·lic. La segona part constitueix un corpus teòric on convergeixen reflexions relatives a la violència, la memòria i el duel, per a posteriorment reparar en el cos humà i les seues múltiples possibilitats. L'anterior serveix de preàmbul per a poder entendre com l'ésser humà, en la seua total fragilitat, es veu afectat per agents endògens i exògens que acaben per provocar-li la mort -una mort impregnada amb majors o menors dosis de violència-, per a després investigar els seus correlats en el camp artístic. Aquesta anàlisi brinda un panorama del treball i pensament al voltant del cos i permet veure com la violència ha jugat un paper important no sols en el context soci polític de Mèxic, sinó també en la manera de pensar i imaginar el cos. Finalment, gran part de la riquesa d'aquesta investigació prové de les aportacions de fonts primàries, com són les entrevistes que vaig poder realitzar a més de vint-i-cinc artistes, commissari i investigadors vius que, en les seues pròpies paraules, ajuden a entendre els canvis que ha viscut Mèxic, els seus artistes i la noció de cos en les tres últimes dècades.[EN] This Doctoral Thesis constitutes a study on the ways in which contemporary violence in Mexico has impacted the field of visual arts, with a special emphasis on understanding and representing the human body. Limited to three decades (1988-2018), this work is a contextual investigation that is strengthened in the social, political, historical and economic framework to build a deeper analysis around the ways in which violence has also disrupted the artistic field, and to be able to see how, over time, the image of the human body has been modified in the artistic production, thanks to the fact that, on one hand, death is more frequently presented in everyday life and, on the other, criminal groups have intensified their ways of exercising violence. This panorama made serious crimes become common, and little by little, the criminals execute new violent acts with new forms of relation and treatment with the human body. Though over the years organized crime has violated the human body in increasingly atrocious ways, also making an effort to make them visible and bring them closer to civil society, certain artists can see in this an opportunity to reflect on and work on notions of the body unpublished to this day, such as imagining a volatile body, as manifested in the work Vaporización (2001) by Sinaloan artist Teresa Margolles, where she proposes a space full of steam, the result of feeding condensers located inside the museum with water previously used to wash corpses in the morgue. The body presented here by Margolles cancels out all solid figuration and acquires the capacity to float and adhere to the skin and clothes of the visitor, who will leave the space carrying a millimetric human essence alien to his being. Another example is the human conceptions closer to the machine and high technology, typical of the investigations of mexican artist Rafael Lozano-Hemmer, who visualizes human bodies dependent on the binary code and which do not cease to be disturbing after recognizing that many of these technological artifacts are equally used by the army and by criminals in their abject acts. This Thesis starts from a contextual analysis of México recently, leaving chronologically the turning point of this escalation of violence - the year 2006 - about half of the period of time studied to have a before and after the Declaration of War by the State and allow a certain distance in the analysis of the repercussions in art of this Warlike confrontation. The second part constitutes a theoretical corpus where reflections on violence, memory and grief converge, to later repair the human body and its multiple possibilities. This serves as a preamble to understand how human beings, in their total fragility, are affected by endogenous and exogenous agents that end up causing death - a death impregnated with greater or lesser doses of violence - and then investigate its correlations in the artistic field. This analysis provides a panorama of the work and thoughts around the body and allows us to see how violence has played an important role not only in the socio-political context of México, but also in the way of thinking and imagining the body. Finally, a lot of the richness of this research comes from the contributions of primary sources, such as the interviews I was able to conduct with more than twenty-five living artists, curators and researchers who, in their own words, help to understand the changes that México, its artists and the notion of body have undergone in the last three decades.Méndez Landa, FJ. (2021). Cuerpo y violencia y en México (1988-2018). Un estudio sobre la permeabilidad de la violencia en las artes contemporáneas mexicanas y sus repercusiones en el entendimiento del cuerpo [Tesis doctoral]. Universitat Politècnica de València. https://doi.org/10.4995/Thesis/10251/162917TESI

Vesna Barić Punda - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • The Question of Continuity of the Republic of Croatia with the Predecessor States on it Soil
    Pravni fakultet Sveučilišta u Splitu, 2017
    Co-Authors: Vladimir-Đuro Degan, Vesna Barić Punda
    Abstract:

    The incentive for the present paper was the Class Action Complaint submitted to the US District Court for the Northern District of Illinois Easter Division against the Republic of Croatia on 31 May 2016. The plaintiffs were victim survivors and hairs of Croatian Jews, Serbs and Roma who were deprived of their property and possessions as a result of the Holocaust allegedly conducted by the present Republic of Croatia during World War II. The Plaintiffs claim the lump sum of 3,500.000.000 US$. The rationale of this case is the alleged continuity in international personality of the Republic of Croatia with the so-called "Independent State of Croatia" (NDH), established by the occupants of Yugoslavia Italy and Germany during that period of time. Such a continuity and identity does not exist for following reasons: This Class Action complaint is based on contradictory arguments which eliminate one another. In parts 13 to 18 of its text the Plaintiffs invoke the Wannssee meeting of high ranking SS and Gestapo officials, convened by SS-Obergruppenfuhrer Reinhard Heidrich on 20 January 1942. The meeting was organized shortly after German Declaration of War to the United States when Nazis lost all constraints, even for propaganda purposes, in brutal execution of the Holocaust, i.e. the liquidation of Jews in all parts of Europe occupied by the Reich. However, the satellite Government of the NDH was not invited to participate in this or in other important meetings to this end. Its duty was implicitly understood to carry out all German orders. Ustaše even distinguished them before Germans in brutal execution of that policy. This fact confirms the truthfulness of the conclusions of the U.S. Military Tribunal in Hostage Trials cited above that: “the Croatian Government was a satellite Government and whatever was done by them was done for the Germans”. On the other hand, in this Class Action complaint the Plaintiffs contend ostensibly and without convincing arguments that “the Republic of Croatia” (meaning the present Croatian State) conducted the Holocaust during World War II, (sic!) and that: "From 1941 to 1945, Croatia was a member of the Axis Powers. Croatia committed genocide against its Jewish, Serbian, and Roma citizens..." In paragraph 19 it was furthermore asserted: "When Tito took over Yugoslavia after the War, communism was proclaimed throughout the country. The new Croatian authorities under the leadership of Franjo Tudjman, immediately adopted laws with racial characteristics similar to those of 1941, and re-organized state terror against minorities." By these allegations the Plaintiffs assert the absolute identity between the NDH and the present Republic of Croatia but they did not prove it. They ignored the following facts: 1. First of all, it must be repeated that between the so-called "Independent State of Croatia" and today's Republic of Croatia there exists neither identity nor legal continuity. By the will of occupants that puppet State embraced the territory of the present Republic of Croatia (except parts of the Adriatic coast with its hinterland), the entire Bosnia-Herzegovina and Sirmium (Srijem) i.e. the territory between rivers of Danube and Sava up to the suburb of Belgrade (Zemun). Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina are now independent States and UN members, and Sirmium as a part of Voyvodina, is integrated into the Republic of Serbia. 2. Upon the capitulation of Nazi Germany on 8 May 1945 and after the withdrawal of all its troops from Yugoslavia any authority of the NDH disappeared in the respective territories. This is another proof that this satellite regime could not survive the Nazi power that created it. For this reason the NDH did not possess the qualities of a sovereign State, and of genuine subject of international law. In the period between May 1945 and the proclamation of independence of the Republic of Croatia on 25 June 1991 only the regime of the Socialist Republic of Croatia within the Yugoslav Federation was present on its territory. No Independent State of Croatia in Croatia itself or in Bosnia-Herzegovina existed then in any form. These facts also contradict the claim from the Class Action Complaint of the continuity between the NDH and the Republic of Croatia. 3. During World War II were progressively established on the liberated territories of Croatia new State organs under the leadership of Communists. In the same way appeared organs which were the nucleus of other federal entities within Yugoslavia. In the beginning the entire Yugoslavia, like the Soviet Union, was a very centralized State. All important political decisions for the entire Federation were made on the top of the Communist party of Yugoslavia in Belgrade. All State organs on the Federal level and all Party and State organs on the level of federal units were not more than transmissions in carrying out the top party decisions made in Belgrade. However, in the course of time the situation deeply evolved. The Republics and Autonomous Provinces acquired much higher level of self rule in decision-making. Hence, Croatia got the chance after the fall of Berlin Wall in 1989 to become an independent State. In that process it was the League of Communists of Croatia that acquiesced on the multi-party system and first democratic elections for the Croatian parliament (Sabor) were organized in spring 1990. All the above facts exclude any claim for continuity in time and space between the NDH and the present Republic of Croatia. 4. On the basis of the above facts the Republic of Croatia is the continuous State of the Socialist (before that "People's Republic", and still before "federal") Croatia within the Yugoslav Federation, that during World War II fought against the "Independent State of Croatia" and its criminal policy directed against Jews, Roma and Serbs. Franjo Tuđman was at that time partisan and an active combatant against that power and persecutions and crimes committed by it

Barić Punda Vesna - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • The Question of Continuity of the Republic of Croatia with the Predecessor States on it Soil
    'The Faculty of Law in Split', 2017
    Co-Authors: Degan Vladimir-Đuro, Barić Punda Vesna
    Abstract:

    Povod za ovu raspravu jest skupna tužba (Class Action Complaint) koju je grupa nasljednika i rodbine hrvatskih Židova, Srba i Roma podnijela protiv Republike Hrvatske 31. svibnja 2016. godine Okružnom sudu Sjedinjenih Država za Sjeverni okrug Istočnoga područja Illinoisa. Tužba se zasniva na tvrdnji o apsolutnom identitetu i kontinuitetu Republike Hrvatske s tzv. „Nezavisnom Državom Hrvatskom“ iz Drugog svjetskog rata. U tužbi se od Republike Hrvatske traži odšteta za pretrpljene gubitke žrtava holokausta u ukupnom iznosu od 3.500.000.000 američkih dolara.The incentive for the present paper was the Class Action Complaint submitted to the US District Court for the Northern District of Illinois Easter Division against the Republic of Croatia on 31 May 2016. The plaintiffs were victim survivors and hairs of Croatian Jews, Serbs and Roma who were deprived of their property and possessions as a result of the Holocaust allegedly conducted by the present Republic of Croatia during World War II. The Plaintiffs claim the lump sum of 3,500.000.000 US$. The rationale of this case is the alleged continuity in international personality of the Republic of Croatia with the so-called "Independent State of Croatia" (NDH), established by the occupants of Yugoslavia Italy and Germany during that period of time. Such a continuity and identity does not exist for following reasons: This Class Action complaint is based on contradictory arguments which eliminate one another. In parts 13 to 18 of its text the Plaintiffs invoke the Wannssee meeting of high ranking SS and Gestapo officials, convened by SS-Obergruppenfuhrer Reinhard Heidrich on 20 January 1942. The meeting was organized shortly after German Declaration of War to the United States when Nazis lost all constraints, even for propaganda purposes, in brutal execution of the Holocaust, i.e. the liquidation of Jews in all parts of Europe occupied by the Reich. However, the satellite Government of the NDH was not invited to participate in this or in other important meetings to this end. Its duty was implicitly understood to carry out all German orders. Ustaše even distinguished them before Germans in brutal execution of that policy. This fact confirms the truthfulness of the conclusions of the U.S. Military Tribunal in Hostage Trials cited above that: “the Croatian Government was a satellite Government and whatever was done by them was done for the Germans”. On the other hand, in this Class Action complaint the Plaintiffs contend ostensibly and without convincing arguments that “the Republic of Croatia” (meaning the present Croatian State) conducted the Holocaust during World War II, (sic!) and that: "From 1941 to 1945, Croatia was a member of the Axis Powers. Croatia committed genocide against its Jewish, Serbian, and Roma citizens..." In paragraph 19 it was furthermore asserted: "When Tito took over Yugoslavia after the War, communism was proclaimed throughout the country. The new Croatian authorities under the leadership of Franjo Tudjman, immediately adopted laws with racial characteristics similar to those of 1941, and re-organized state terror against minorities." By these allegations the Plaintiffs assert the absolute identity between the NDH and the present Republic of Croatia but they did not prove it. They ignored the following facts: 1. First of all, it must be repeated that between the so-called "Independent State of Croatia" and today\u27s Republic of Croatia there exists neither identity nor legal continuity. By the will of occupants that puppet State embraced the territory of the present Republic of Croatia (except parts of the Adriatic coast with its hinterland), the entire Bosnia-Herzegovina and Sirmium (Srijem) i.e. the territory between rivers of Danube and Sava up to the suburb of Belgrade (Zemun). Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina are now independent States and UN members, and Sirmium as a part of Voyvodina, is integrated into the Republic of Serbia. 2. Upon the capitulation of Nazi Germany on 8 May 1945 and after the withdrawal of all its troops from Yugoslavia any authority of the NDH disappeared in the respective territories. This is another proof that this satellite regime could not survive the Nazi power that created it. For this reason the NDH did not possess the qualities of a sovereign State, and of genuine subject of international law. In the period between May 1945 and the proclamation of independence of the Republic of Croatia on 25 June 1991 only the regime of the Socialist Republic of Croatia within the Yugoslav Federation was present on its territory. No Independent State of Croatia in Croatia itself or in Bosnia-Herzegovina existed then in any form. These facts also contradict the claim from the Class Action Complaint of the continuity between the NDH and the Republic of Croatia. 3. During World War II were progressively established on the liberated territories of Croatia new State organs under the leadership of Communists. In the same way appeared organs which were the nucleus of other federal entities within Yugoslavia. In the beginning the entire Yugoslavia, like the Soviet Union, was a very centralized State. All important political decisions for the entire Federation were made on the top of the Communist party of Yugoslavia in Belgrade. All State organs on the Federal level and all Party and State organs on the level of federal units were not more than transmissions in carrying out the top party decisions made in Belgrade. However, in the course of time the situation deeply evolved. The Republics and Autonomous Provinces acquired much higher level of self rule in decision-making. Hence, Croatia got the chance after the fall of Berlin Wall in 1989 to become an independent State. In that process it was the League of Communists of Croatia that acquiesced on the multi-party system and first democratic elections for the Croatian parliament (Sabor) were organized in spring 1990. All the above facts exclude any claim for continuity in time and space between the NDH and the present Republic of Croatia. 4. On the basis of the above facts the Republic of Croatia is the continuous State of the Socialist (before that "People\u27s Republic", and still before "federal") Croatia within the Yugoslav Federation, that during World War II fought against the "Independent State of Croatia" and its criminal policy directed against Jews, Roma and Serbs. Franjo Tuđman was at that time partisan and an active combatant against that power and persecutions and crimes committed by it

Pedro Damian Cano Borrego - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.