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Pedro C Magalhaes - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • introduction financial crisis austerity and Electoral Politics
    Journal of Elections Public Opinion & Parties, 2014
    Co-Authors: Pedro C Magalhaes
    Abstract:

    We are pleased to present this issue of JEPOP which is a special issue on the topic of how the financial crisis in Europe has changed the Electoral Politics of some of the most deeply affected countries. We are delighted to welcome on board Pedro C. Magalhaes as guest co-editor for this issue. Pedro is principal researcher at the Institute of Social Sciences of the University of Lisbon, Portugal, and one of the coordinators of the Portuguese Election Study. Pedro is not only the author of one of the articles in this issue but has been instrumental in recruiting the other authors whose work is included, and who originally delivered early versions of these articles at a conference organised by the Department of Government and the BMW Center for German and European Studies of Georgetown University. All articles in this issue have been through JEPOP’s rigorous reviewing process and we would like to thank our two referees, Professor Jack Vowles and Professor Sara Hobolt (who waive their anonymity). Ed Fieldhouse, Mark Franklin and Rachel Gibson

  • Introduction – Financial Crisis, Austerity, and Electoral Politics
    Journal of Elections Public Opinion & Parties, 2014
    Co-Authors: Pedro C Magalhaes
    Abstract:

    We are pleased to present this issue of JEPOP which is a special issue on the topic of how the financial crisis in Europe has changed the Electoral Politics of some of the most deeply affected countries. We are delighted to welcome on board Pedro C. Magalhaes as guest co-editor for this issue. Pedro is principal researcher at the Institute of Social Sciences of the University of Lisbon, Portugal, and one of the coordinators of the Portuguese Election Study. Pedro is not only the author of one of the articles in this issue but has been instrumental in recruiting the other authors whose work is included, and who originally delivered early versions of these articles at a conference organised by the Department of Government and the BMW Center for German and European Studies of Georgetown University. All articles in this issue have been through JEPOP’s rigorous reviewing process and we would like to thank our two referees, Professor Jack Vowles and Professor Sara Hobolt (who waive their anonymity). Ed Fieldhouse, Mark Franklin and Rachel Gibson

Said Adejumobi - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • Do Votes Count?1 The Travails of Electoral Politics in Nigeria
    Africa Development, 2020
    Co-Authors: Adigun Agbaje, Said Adejumobi
    Abstract:

    This paper examines contemporary dimensions of Electoral Politics in Nigeria against a backdrop of historical experiences. It details issues, events and developments before, during and after elections. Its central argument is that Nigeria has suffered from both institutional (organizations + values /rules/norms) and experiential deficits in regard of required ramparts for Electoral Politics conducive to democratic renewal and consolidation. Organisations have been bereft of values required for turning them into effective institutions while dominant values have been toxic to democratic politicking. While years of dictatorship under colonial, military and civil rule partly account for the parlous state of Electoral Politics in Nigeria, the nature of political leadership, its shortsightedness as well as its lack of commitment to and experience in the democratic management of diversity in the context of restrained governance, have devalued Politics and elections in Nigeria, reducing the latter literally to an instrument of warfare by other means. Electoral merchants or better still political barons have hijacked the Electoral process marginalizing the people, discountenancing their voices and choices and steadily sliding the fourth republic on the path of systemic collapse. Engendering a functional and transparent Electoral system will require revaluing institutional capacity and political ethos by the political elites in Nigeria. Resume

  • do votes count 1 the travails of Electoral Politics in nigeria
    Africa Development, 2006
    Co-Authors: Adigun Agbaje, Said Adejumobi
    Abstract:

    This paper examines contemporary dimensions of Electoral Politics in Nigeria against a backdrop of historical experiences. It details issues, events and developments before, during and after elections. Its central argument is that Nigeria has suffered from both institutional (organizations + values /rules/norms) and experiential deficits in regard of required ramparts for Electoral Politics conducive to democratic renewal and consolidation. Organisations have been bereft of values required for turning them into effective institutions while dominant values have been toxic to democratic politicking. While years of dictatorship under colonial, military and civil rule partly account for the parlous state of Electoral Politics in Nigeria, the nature of political leadership, its shortsightedness as well as its lack of commitment to and experience in the democratic management of diversity in the context of restrained governance, have devalued Politics and elections in Nigeria, reducing the latter literally to an instrument of warfare by other means. Electoral merchants or better still political barons have hijacked the Electoral process marginalizing the people, discountenancing their voices and choices and steadily sliding the fourth republic on the path of systemic collapse. Engendering a functional and transparent Electoral system will require revaluing institutional capacity and political ethos by the political elites in Nigeria. Resume

Thad Dunning - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • fighting and voting violent conflict and Electoral Politics
    Journal of Conflict Resolution, 2011
    Co-Authors: Thad Dunning
    Abstract:

    Two recent research programs—one on the sources of democratic consolidation and another on the causes and consequences of violent conflict—have tended to evolve in relative isolation. The contributions to this special issue of Journal of Conflict Resolution help to bridge this gap, through explicit theoretical and empirical analysis of the relationship between fighting and voting. Armed conflict and Electoral Politics may be strategic substitutes, in that political actors may optimally choose to submit to the ballot box or instead attempt to impose their will by force; or they may be strategic complements, in that actors use violence to bolster their Electoral aims, or use Electoral returns as sources of information on underlying preferences that they exploit in armed campaigns. In either case, the distribution of popular support for contending parties can shape not only the incidence but also the type of armed conflict, and it can also influence the incentives of parties to invest in institutional mechanisms that mitigate commitment problems and help to bring violent conflicts to an end. The contributions to this issue illuminate these themes and demonstrate the value of bringing these separate research programs into closer dialogue.

Melinda Gann Hall - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • Electoral Politics and strategic voting in state supreme courts
    The Journal of Politics, 1992
    Co-Authors: Melinda Gann Hall
    Abstract:

    This study suggests that state supreme court justices act strategically to minimize Electoral opposition. In order to appease their constituencies, justices who have views contrary to those of the voters and the court majority, and who face competitive Electoral conditions will vote with the court majority instead of casting unpopular dissents on politically volatile issues. Using probit, models were estimated of the effects of several types of Electoral forces on death penalty votes from 1983 through 1988 in four southern state supreme courts. Results indicate that single-member districts, beginning at the end of a term, prior representational service, narrow vote margins and experience in seeking reelection encourage minority justices to be attentive to their constituencies by voting in accordance with constituent opinion. In essence, constituency influence in state supreme courts is enhanced by competitive Electoral conditions and experience with Electoral Politics.

Daniel Hellinger - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • When “No” Means “Yes to Revolution”: Electoral Politics in Bolivarian Venezuela
    Latin American Perspectives, 2020
    Co-Authors: Daniel Hellinger
    Abstract:

    The lessons of history suggest that pluralist constitutional structures present myriad ways for opponents to block radical overhaul of social and economic structures. Antimajoritarian checks and balances make redistribution of wealth and changes in property regimes difficult to implement. When these mechanisms fail, the capitalist class seems willing and able to abandon constitutional Politics and fall back upon the state's night-watchman, the military. In dependent nations, the weight and resources of the hegemon can be brought to bear to influence the outcome. Often, however, institutional and extraconstitutional tools of reaction are unnecessary in polyarchies.' Elections themselves seem to suck the life blood out of revolutionary movements. The Venezuelan recall election of August 15, 2004, evidently accelerated rather than retarded revolutionary momentum. On that day Venezuelans went to the polls in extraordinary numbers to vote on an opposition petition to revoke (hence, revocatorio) President Hugo Chivez's Electoral mandate two years before he was to complete his term. To achieve this objective and thereby terminate the Bolivarian Revolution, the opposition Coordinador Democritica (CD) needed to win more votes than the president had received in his second Electoral victory of July 2000 (following the adoption of the new constitution). Not only did the CD fail to exceed that number but the No option triumphed with 59 percent of the vote. The majority said yes to the Chavista revolutionary project. This article will examine the ways in which Electoral Politics and defense of a revolutionary regime were made compatible in Venezuela. After a review of some theoretical perspectives on elections and social change, a comparison of the Venezuelan case with earlier episodes of Electoral Politics in a revolutionary context (Nicaragua and Chile), and a review of the political and constitutional issues that had to be resolved to allow the recall election to take

  • when no means yes to revolution Electoral Politics in bolivarian venezuela
    Latin American Perspectives, 2005
    Co-Authors: Daniel Hellinger
    Abstract:

    The lessons of history suggest that pluralist constitutional structures present myriad ways for opponents to block radical overhaul of social and economic structures. Antimajoritarian checks and balances make redistribution of wealth and changes in property regimes difficult to implement. When these mechanisms fail, the capitalist class seems willing and able to abandon constitutional Politics and fall back upon the state's night-watchman, the military. In dependent nations, the weight and resources of the hegemon can be brought to bear to influence the outcome. Often, however, institutional and extraconstitutional tools of reaction are unnecessary in polyarchies.' Elections themselves seem to suck the life blood out of revolutionary movements. The Venezuelan recall election of August 15, 2004, evidently accelerated rather than retarded revolutionary momentum. On that day Venezuelans went to the polls in extraordinary numbers to vote on an opposition petition to revoke (hence, revocatorio) President Hugo Chivez's Electoral mandate two years before he was to complete his term. To achieve this objective and thereby terminate the Bolivarian Revolution, the opposition Coordinador Democritica (CD) needed to win more votes than the president had received in his second Electoral victory of July 2000 (following the adoption of the new constitution). Not only did the CD fail to exceed that number but the No option triumphed with 59 percent of the vote. The majority said yes to the Chavista revolutionary project. This article will examine the ways in which Electoral Politics and defense of a revolutionary regime were made compatible in Venezuela. After a review of some theoretical perspectives on elections and social change, a comparison of the Venezuelan case with earlier episodes of Electoral Politics in a revolutionary context (Nicaragua and Chile), and a review of the political and constitutional issues that had to be resolved to allow the recall election to take