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Diego Nunes - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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extradition in fascist italy 1922 1943 and in brazil of getulio vargas 1930 1945 between the ascension of Fascism criminal law and the survival of the liberal tradition of criminal law
Sequência: Estudos Juridicos e Politicos, 2019Co-Authors: Diego NunesAbstract:This paper aims to present the legal treatment given to extradition in Fascist Italy and in the Brazil of Getulio Vargas to understand if the institute has suffered authoritarian torsions both on the field of domestic Law and on the diplomatic relations between these countries. On the Codice Rocco, the provision on extradition was meant to strengthen the repression. On its turn, if on one side the 1938 Brazilian Extradition Act relies on the elements of the institute created in the nineteenth century, it also adds important elements to the defence of a strong State. However, the Italian-Brazilian extradition treaty of 1932 attached to the liberal paradigm ended up protecting the individuals subjected to extradition. Thus, were these rules truly of a fascist origin? The hypothesis is to realize that the “Fascism Criminal Law” is not quite a revolution, since despite introducing major changes it cohabits with the liberal tradition of Criminal Law.
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Extradition in Fascist Italy (1922-1943) and in Brazil of Getúlio Vargas (1930-1945) between the ascension of “Fascism Criminal Law” and the survival of the liberal tradition of Criminal Law
Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, 2019Co-Authors: Diego NunesAbstract:This paper aims to present the legal treatment given to extradition in Fascist Italy and in the Brazil of Getúlio Vargas to understand if the institute has suffered authoritarian torsions both on the field of domestic Law and on the diplomatic relations between these countries. On the Codice Rocco, the provision on extradition was meant to strengthen the repression. On its turn, if on one side the 1938 Brazilian Extradition Act relies on the elements of the institute created in the nineteenth century, it also adds important elements to the defence of a strong State. However, the Italian-Brazilian extradition treaty of 1932 attached to the liberal paradigm ended up protecting the individuals subjected to extradition. Thus, were these rules truly of a fascist origin? The hypothesis is to realize that the “Fascism Criminal Law” is not quite a revolution, since despite introducing major changes it cohabits with the liberal tradition of Criminal Law
Gianluca Russo - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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War, Socialism and the Rise of Fascism: An Empirical Exploration
2020Co-Authors: Daron Acemoglu, Giuseppe De Feo, Giacomo De Luca, Gianluca RussoAbstract:The recent ascent of right-wing populist movements in many countries has rekindled interest in understanding the causes of the rise of Fascism in inter-war years. In this paper, we argue that there was a strong link between the surge of support for the Socialist Party after World War I (WWI) and the subsequent emergence of Fascism in Italy. We first develop a source of variation in Socialist support across Italian municipalities in the 1919 election based on war casualties from the area. We show that these casualties are unrelated to a battery of political, economic and social variables before the war and had a major impact on Socialist support (partly because the Socialists were the main anti-war political movement). Our main result is that this boost to Socialist support (that is “exogenous” to the prior political leaning of the municipality) led to greater local Fascist activity as measured by local party branches and Fascist political violence (squadrismo), and to significantly larger vote share of the Fascist Party in the 1924 election. We document that the increase in the vote share of the Fascist Party was not at the expense of the Socialist Party and instead came from right-wing parties, thus supporting our interpretation that center-right and right-wing voters coalesced around the Fascist Party because of the “red scare”. We also show that the veterans did not consistently support the Fascist Party and there is no evidence for greater nationalist sentiment in areas with more casualties. We provide evidence that landowner associations and greater presence of local elites played an important role in the rise of Fascism. Finally, we find greater likelihood of Jewish deportations in 1943-45 and lower vote share for Christian Democrats after World War II in areas with greater early Fascist activity. Institutional subscribers to the NBER working paper series, and residents of developing countries may download this paper without additional charge at www.nber.org.
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war socialism and the rise of Fascism an empirical exploration
Research Papers in Economics, 2020Co-Authors: Daron Acemoglu, Giuseppe De Feo, Giacomo De Luca, Gianluca RussoAbstract:The recent ascent of right-wing populist movements in many countries has rekindled interest in understanding the causes of the rise of Fascism in inter-war years. In this paper, we argue that there was a strong link between the surge of support for the Socialist Party after World War I (WWI) and the subsequent emergence of Fascism in Italy. We first develop a source of variation in Socialist support across Italian municipalities in the 1919 election based on war casualties from the area. We show that these casualties are unrelated to a battery of political, economic and social variables before the war and had a major impact on Socialist support (partly because the Socialists were the main anti-war political movement). Our main result is that this boost to Socialist support (that is “exogenous” to the prior political leaning of the municipality) led to greater local Fascist activity as measured by local party branches and Fascist political violence (squadrismo), and to significantly larger vote share of the Fascist Party in the 1924 election. We document that the increase in the vote share of the Fascist Party was not at the expense of the Socialist Party and instead came from right-wing parties, thus supporting our interpretation that center-right and right-wing voters coalesced around the Fascist Party because of the “red scare”. We also show that the veterans did not consistently support the Fascist Party and there is no evidence for greater nationalist sentiment in areas with more casualties. We provide evidence that landowner associations and greater presence of local elites played an important role in the rise of Fascism. Finally, we find greater likelihood of Jewish deportations in 1943-45 and lower vote share for Christian Democrats after World War II in areas with greater early Fascist activity.
Angel Alcalde - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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the transnational consensus Fascism and nazism in current research
Contemporary European History, 2020Co-Authors: Angel AlcaldeAbstract:Transnational History emerged in the 1990s as a methodological perspective aiming to transcend the nation state as a prevalent unit of analysis. Akin to comparative history, transnational history focuses on transfers between countries and nations, cross-border exchanges and circulation of people and ideas, thus changing our understanding of modern historical phenomena and contributing to the development of global history. Today there is probably no modern historical subfield that has not heeded the new transnational insights. This review article argues that the history of Fascism and national socialism have benefitted considerably from this epistemological advancement, and that this renewal has revolutionised our understanding of these ideologies, movements and regimes. Previously historians believed that Fascism had emerged as a solution to the interwar crisis in different European nation states; ‘native’, ‘home-grown’ fascist movements, unique ultranationalist revolutionaries, spontaneously reacted to endogenous national problems and attempted a counterrevolution or national rebirth with different degrees of success. After the transnational turn, historians instead see Fascism as a single transnational and global phenomenon that violently expanded throughout Europe and beyond by processes of transfer, mutual inspiration, hybridisation, interaction, entanglement and cross-border exchange.
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war veterans and Fascism in interwar europe
2017Co-Authors: Angel AlcaldeAbstract:This book explores, from a transnational viewpoint, the historical relationship between war veterans and Fascism in interwar Europe. Until now, historians have been roughly divided between those who assume that 'brutalization' (George L. Mosse) led veterans to join fascist movements and those who stress that most ex-soldiers of the Great War became committed pacifists and internationalists. Transcending the debates of the brutalization thesis and drawing upon a wide range of archival and published sources, this work focuses on the interrelated processes of transnationalization and the fascist permeation of veterans' politics in interwar Europe to offer a wider perspective on the history of both Fascism and veterans' movements. A combination of mythical constructs, transfers, political communication, encounters and networks within a transnational space explain the relationship between veterans and Fascism. Thus, this book offers new insights into the essential ties between Fascism and war, and contributes to the theorization of transnational Fascism.
Xu B - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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on the role of the soviet union and china in the victory over Fascism and japanese militarism in world war ii in memory of the 70th anniversary of the victory of world anti fascist war and the victory of the chinese people s anti japanese war russi
Northeast Asia Forum, 2015Co-Authors: Xu BAbstract:The year of 2015 is the 70 th anniversary of the world anti-fascist war and the Chinese People's Anti-Japanese War. In this war,the Soviet-German front in Europe and the Chinese battlefield in Asia undoubtedly bear the primary task against German Fascism and Japanese militarism aggression. The Soviet and Chinese people paid a huge sacrifice and constituted the chief cornerstone for WWII victory. The current international order and regional security structure is undergoing a complex transition phase. During this period,tampering with the Second World War and denying the Second World War victory have occurred in Eastern and Western world from time to time,which has not only become a common threat in front of China and Russia,but also will inevitably undermine the world peace and stability. From May 2015 5th-6th,the Russia-China International Academic Forum,the topic of which was the role of Soviet Union and China in the victory over Fascism and Japanese Militarism in World War II,was held in Moscow. Topics such as the historical contribution,mutual support and co-defending of the fruit of World War II had been deeply discussed. The forum not only greatly promoted the study of the world anti-fascist war and the Chinese people's Anti-Japanese War-related issues,but also enhanced the confidence of the two countries to support the principles of the UN Charter and protect the fruits of World War II.
Paul Corner - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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italian Fascism whatever happened to dictatorship
The Journal of Modern History, 2002Co-Authors: Paul CornerAbstract:Renzo De Felice's contention that Fascism was, by the early 1930s, very much a regime based on the mass consensus of the Italians was widely contested at its publication, but it seems subsequently to have acquired a surprising degree of acceptance. Under totalitarian regimes, people's fears are obviously related to the question of repression, sometimes to that of terror. Fascism boasted that it had developed a system of social services that was among the most advanced in Europe—a claim that has been reproduced rather uncritically in much of the subsequent literature on the subject. The position attributed to an individual in the social hierarchy was extremely important in deciding the way in which he or she was treated, therefore. This inevitably gave considerable discretionary power to those fascist authorities responsible for determining classes and categories within the hierarchy.
