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Alexandra Pakzad - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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political opportunity and constitution making the emergence of a Gay Liberation Movement in south africa
Social Science Research Network, 2012Co-Authors: Alexandra PakzadAbstract:Through tracking the development of South African Gay and lesbian organizations and the political opportunities they have utilized, this paper explores how an efficacious Gay Liberation Movement — including the remarkable codification of Gay rights in the country’s constitution — was able to emerge in South Africa during its transition to democracy. Synthesizing a number of traditional conceptions of political opportunity, I consider the institutional changes to the South African state, the realignment of informal power relations, and the mechanisms by which such opportunities for change were utilized. The ways in which South Africa’s Gay Liberation Movement identified and interacted with the changes of the post-apartheid era optimized chances for mobilization and influence, as activists availed themselves of all of the benefits of the emerging system of government. The transition to, and consolidation of, South Africa’s democracy opened a window of opportunity for the Gay rights Movement; the end of the apartheid system made reform accessible and signified the possibility of Liberation for other marginalized groups. In essence, the shift to democratic rule in South Africa presented favorable political opportunities from which a historic transformation of Gay and lesbian politics emerged and succeeded. This Movement was remarkable in many respects: that it emerged so strongly within a country divided along ethnic and socioeconomic lines, and equally impressive, that it was successful despite the opposition to Gay rights in neighboring countries.
Sibalis Michael - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Mai 68 : le Comité d’Action Pédérastique Révolutionnaire occupe la Sorbonne
Genre sexualité et société, 2014Co-Authors: Sibalis MichaelAbstract:Le mouvement de libération Gay fit son apparition en France en Mai 68 dans la Sorbonne occupée quand “Guillaume Charpentier” fonda le Comité d’Action pédérastique révolutionnaire (CAPR). Sans aucun soutien des meneurs du mouvement estudiantin et quasiment ignoré par les étudiant-e-s en révolte, le CAPR disparut presque inaperçu après à peine deux semaines d’existence. Mais le CAPR marqua un tournant, car il éleva l’homosexualité au rang de question politique, la libération homosexuelle devenant une cause gauchiste qui remit en cause le statu quo politique et social de l’époque.The radical Gay Liberation Movement emerged in France in May 1968 in the student-occupied Sorbonne when “Guillaume Charpentier” founded the Revolutionary Pederastic Action Committee (CAPR). With no support from student leaders and finding little response from militant students, the CAPR vanished after barely two weeks. But the CAPR opened a new era, by making homosexuality a political question and homosexual Liberation a left-wing cause that challenged the political and social statu quo of the day
Michael Sibalis - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Mai 68 : le Comité d’Action Pédérastique Révolutionnaire occupe la Sorbonne
'OpenEdition', 2013Co-Authors: Michael SibalisAbstract:The radical Gay Liberation Movement emerged in France in May 1968 in the student-occupied Sorbonne when “Guillaume Charpentier” founded the Revolutionary Pederastic Action Committee (CAPR). With no support from student leaders and finding little response from militant students, the CAPR vanished after barely two weeks. But the CAPR opened a new era, by making homosexuality a political question and homosexual Liberation a left-wing cause that challenged the political and social statu quo of the day
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the spirit of may 68 and the origins of the Gay Liberation Movement in france
2009Co-Authors: Michael SibalisAbstract:Interpretations of May 68 in France have been many, varied, and contradictory.1 While no one disputes that the so-called “events”—the riots, strikes, and demonstrations that almost toppled the Gaul list regime— amounted to more than an ordinary crisis, most analyses point to their ultimate failure to change French politics or society in any meaningful way. Even so, an entire generation has defined itself (and been defined by others) in terms of its relation to May 68, and much of France’s political history over the subsequent forty years can be written as the story of this generation’s itinerary: the (rare) fidelity of ex-militants to their youthful ideals or, more commonly, their (reputed) betrayal of their principles for American-style or Thatcherite economic liberalism or for Francois Mitterrand’s brand of socialism.2 Over the decades, the rebellious youths who took to the streets in 68 and challenged authority have accommodated themselves to the status quo. As Henri Mendras cynically but perceptively observes, in the end the radical tendencies that emerged from 68 “had as their principal result the opening of a new political and cultural space within which the new rulers served their apprenticeship to become leaders. This new generation of leaders then took its natural place within the existing institutions against which it had fought.” Mendras recognizes only one permanent consequence of May 68: a weakened respect for traditional authority and an expanded sense of individualism that together transformed sexual behavior and public attitudes toward sexuality.3 In
Quéré Mathias - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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« Qui sème le vent récolte la tapette ». L’éclosion du militantisme homosexuel en région dans les années 1970
'OpenEdition', 2018Co-Authors: Quéré MathiasAbstract:Dans la lignée des mouvements spécifiques, le mouvement homosexuel se développe en France tout au long des années 1970. Au printemps 1974 apparaît le premier Groupe de libération homosexuel (GLH). Après seulement quelques mois, ce sont une vingtaine de groupes qui se sont essaimés sur tout le territoire français. Pour la première fois dans l’histoire du mouvement homosexuel français cette nouvelle forme de militance est nationale et non plus seulement un fait parisien. Au-delà d’une recherche de visibilité, les militant.e.s s’efforcent de constituer un véritable mouvement politique, en prise avec leur époque et en relation avec le mouvement féministe. Cette histoire n’est pas seulement celle d’un engagement militant, mais aussi celle d’une véritable revendication identitaire à la recherche d’un bouleversement profond des normes avec comme mot d’ordre, « le privé est politique ».The French Gay Liberation Movement grew throughout the 1970s, following the examples of other issue-specific Movements. The first Group for Gay Liberation (Groupe de Libération Homosexuel or GLH) was born in the spring of 1974. Only a few months later, more than twenty similar groups had emerged all over France. For the first in the history of the French Gay Liberation Movement, this new form of militancy spread nationwide and was not solely a Parisian affair. Beyond the quest for visibility, the activists strove to build a true political Movement, in tune with the time and in close partnership with the feminist Movement. This article will explore not just the story of this militant commitment but also that of a genuine claim of identity that sought to deeply upset the norms by using the motto « the private is political ».En línea con los movimientos específicos, el movimiento homosexual se desarrolló en Francia a lo largo de los años setenta. En la primavera de 1974, apareció el primer Grupo de Liberación Homosexual (GLH). Después de sólo unos meses, una veintena de grupos se extendieron por toda Francia. Por primera vez en la historia del movimiento homosexual francés, esta nueva forma de militancia era nacional y ya no era un fenómeno parisino. Más allá de la búsqueda de visibilidad, los militantes se esforzaron por construir un verdadero movimiento político, en sintonía con su tiempo y en relación con el movimiento feminista. Esta historia no es sólo una historia de compromiso militante, sino también una historia de una verdadera reivindicación de identidad en busca de un profundo cambio de las normas con el lema: "lo privado es político"
Mongie, Lauren Danger - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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The discourse of Liberation : frames used in characterising the Gay Liberation Movement in two South African newspapers
'Stellenbosch University', 2015Co-Authors: Mongie, Lauren DangerAbstract:CITATION: Mongie, L. D. 2015. The discourse of Liberation : frames used in characterising the Gay Liberation Movement in two South African newspapers. Stellenbosch Papers in Linguistics Plus, 46:67-83, doi:10.5842/46-0-654.The original publication is available at http://spilplus.journals.ac.zaThis article reports on the quantitative findings of a study that straddles the applied linguistic field of critical discourse analysis and a sociolinguistic field recently referred to as “queer linguistics”. Drawing on a quantitative method of analysis, the study investigates the linguistic framing of LGBT mobilisation in two South African newspapers, City Press and the Mail & Guardian, across a period of almost 30 years. It aims to identify the characteristics of the discourses that topicalise the Gay[1] Liberation Movement in order to investigate the ways in which linguistic means have been used in articulating the need and the right to Liberation and how arguments against the Gay Liberation Movement have been framed, reframed and counterframed in South African media. The study’s findings revealed that a number of frames, including ‘Liberation’, ‘rights’ and ‘victimisation’, reoccurred in the framing of arguments for the Gay Liberation Movement throughout the data collection period in both corpora, and while City Press primarily used these frames to express anti-Gay sentiments, the Mail & Guardian primarily used these frames to express pro-Gay sentiments. The findings also revealed that a number of frames, including ‘religion’, ‘morality’ and ‘nature’, reoccurred in the framing of arguments against the Gay Liberation Movement, and again while City Press primarily used these frames to express anti-Gay sentiments, the Mail & Guardian primarily used these frames to express pro-Gay sentiments. Finally, the findings revealed that a single frame such as “religion” was typically used to express both pro- and anti-Gay sentiments, bringing to light the important role that counterframing plays in bringing about social transformation.http://spilplus.journals.ac.za/pub/article/view/654Publisher's versio
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The discourse of Liberation: the portrayal of the Gay Liberation Movement in South African news media from 1982 to 2006
Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013Co-Authors: Mongie, Lauren DangerAbstract:Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This dissertation reports on a study that straddles the applied linguistic fields of discourse analysis, critical discourse analysis and a sociolinguistic field recently referred to as “queer linguistics”. The study investigated the linguistic construction of Gay mobilisation in South African media discourses across a period of almost 30 years. It aimed to identify characteristics of the Discourse that topicalised the Gay Liberation Movement, considering specifically the linguistic means used in articulating on the one hand the need and the right to Gay Liberation, and on the other hand the public opposition to acknowledging Gay rights. It invoked a social theory identified as ‘framing theory’ in analysing the different kinds of views, attitudes, social positions and arguments motivating for or agitating against the institution and protection of Gay rights in post-apartheid South Africa. The project takes Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), particularly its applications in considering features and functions of media discourses, as its primary theoretical framework. First, following the insistence of the Discourse-historical approach put forward by Wodak (1990), it gives an overview of the social and historical context against which the recognition of Gay rights in South Africa developed. It follows the analytic methodology suggested by van Dijk (1985) in considering issues of ‘language and power’, and the ways in which the access of elites to media attention is drawn on to support and give credence to particular ideologies. Supplementary to the application of CDA methods, an analytic approach from the fields of Social Movement Theory and Collective Action Framing is introduced to make sense of the discursive strategies implemented in the Discourse thematically tied to the South African Gay Liberation Movement, particularly from the early 1980s up to 2006. This period was marked by the Movement’s pursuit of social mobilization. Attention went to the ways in which arguments for and against Gay rights were instantiated in the media using a variety of different frames. Such analysis could disclose the extent to which the "anti-apartheid" master frame was utilised by actors of the Gay Liberation Movement. Based on their circulation demographics, two local South African weekly newspapers, City Press and Mail & Guardian, were screened in order to identify articles and letters to the editor relevant to the Gay Liberation discourse. The full complement of published items topicalising homosexuality directly and indirectly were collected as two corpora in order to assess the ways in which they contributed to public discourses of Gay Liberation. Two analytic exercises were done: first, the content of the full data-set was “tagged” and categorised according to the textual nature of the newspaper item, and the kinds of frames used in its presentation; second, a number of articles and letters were selected from the corpora for detailed analysis that would illustrate the use of the various strategies and frames found to characterise the Discourse. The first more quantitative analysis provided an overview of patterns, trends and editorial practices typically used in the media representations. The second more qualitative analysis provided insight into the finer details of media presention of ideas aimed at affecting the knowledge and attitudes of the intended and imagined readers. The findings of these analyses were presented in terms of quantifiable results as well as detailed descriptions. In broad strokes, the quantifiable findings showed that the Mail & Guardian corpus was significantly more outspoken in advocating for Gay rights than the City Press corpus, and that both publications frequently framed homosexuality in terms of “tolerance”, “religion” and “rights”. The quantifiable findings also showed that in their discourses of Gay tolerance and Gay rights, both the City Press and the Mail & Guardian made significant use of frames typically and widely used by the media in the discourse of political change at the time. The detailed analyses investigated the textual reproduction of the authors’ ideologies, drawing attention to their regular reliance on certain types of arguments used for and against Gay rights in the selected newspapers.AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie proefskrif lewer verslag oor ‘n studie wat die toegepaste taalwetenskapterreine van diskoersanalise en kritiese diskoersanalise asook ‘n sosiolinguistiese terrein wat sedert onlangs “queer-taalwetenskap” genoem word, betrek. In die studie word daar ondersoek ingestel na die linguistiese konstruksie van Gaymobilisering in Suid-Afrikaanse mediadiskoerse wat oor ‘n tydperk van bykans 30 jaar strek. Die doel van die studie was om eienskappe van die Diskoers wat die Gaybevrydingsbeweging topikaliseer te identifiseer, met inagname van spesifiek die taalkundige middele gebruik tydens die artikulering van die behoefte aan en die reg tot Gaybevryding aan die een kant en die openbare weerstand teen die erkenning van Gayregte aan die ander kant. Die analises van die verskillende standpunte, gesindhede, sosiale posisies en argumente ten gunste van of teen die instelling en beskerming van Gayregte in post-apartheid Suid-Afrika beroep hulself op ‘n sosiale teorie wat as “ramingsteorie” (Engels: framing theory) geïdentifiseer is. Die projek neem kritiese diskoersanalise as hoof teoretiese raamwerk aan, veral kritiese diskoersanalise se toepassings in die oorweging van kenmerke en funksies van mediadiskoerse. Eerstens, deur die aandrang van die Diskoers-historiese benadering voorgestel deur Wodak (1990) te volg, word daar ‘n oorsig oor die sosiale en historiese konteks gegee waarin die erkenning van Gayregte in Suid-Afrika ontwikkel het. Die analitiese metodologie voorgestel deur van Dijk (1985) word gebruik tydens die oorweging van kwessies rakende “taal en mag” asook wyses waarop sogenaamde “elites” se toegang tot media-aandag betrek word om geloofwaardigheid aan bepaalde ideologieë te verleen. Aanvullend tot die toepassing van kritiese diskoersanalise-metodes word ‘n analitiese benadering uit die terreine van Sosiale Bewegingsteorie en Kollektiewe Ramingsteorie betrek om sin te maak uit die diskursiewe strategieë wat (spesifiek van die vroeë 1980s tot 2006) geïmplementeer is in die Diskoers wat tematies aan die Suid-Afrikaanse Gaybevrydingsbeweging verbind is. Hierdie tydperk is gekenmerk deur die beweging se nastrewing van sosiale mobilisering. Aandag is verleen aan die wyses waarop argumente ten guste van en teen Gayregte geïnstansieer is in die media deur gebruik te maak van ‘n verskeidenheid rame. Só ‘n analise kan die mate waarin die “anti-apartheid” meesterraam deur spelers in die Gaybevrydingsbeweging gebruik is, onthul. Gebaseer op hul oplaagdemografie is bydraes in twee Suid-Afrikaanse weeklikse koerante, City Press en Mail & Guardian gesif om artikels en briewe aan die redakteur relevant tot die Gaybevrydingsdiskoers te identifiseer. Die vol getal gepubliseerde items wat homoseksualiteit direk en/of indirek topikaliseer, is as twee korpusse versamel om sodoende die wyses te ondersoek waarop hulle bydra tot openbare diskoerse van Gaybevryding. Twee analitiese oefeninge is uitgevoer: eerstens is die inhoud van die volledige datastel geëtiketteer en gekategoriseer op grond van die teks-aard van die koerantitem en die tipe rame wat in die item se aanbieding gebruik is; tweedens is ‘n aantal artikels en briewe uit die korpusse geselekteer vir gedetailleerde analise wat die gebruik van verskeie strategieë en rame sou illustreer wat bevind is om kenmerkend van die Diskoers te wees. Die eerste, meer kwantitatiewe analise het ‘n oorsig gegee oor patrone, tendense en redaksionele praktyke wat tipies in die mediavoorstellings gebruik is. Die tweede, meer kwalitatiewe analise het insig gegee in die fyner besonderhede van mediavoorstelling van idees wat daarop gemik is om die kennis en gesindhede van die bedoelde en denkbeeldige lesers te affekteer. Die bevindinge van hierdie analises is in terme van kwantifiseerbare resultate asook gedetailleerde beskrywings aangebied. In breë trekke het die kwantifiseerbare bevindinge daarop gedui dat die Mail & Guardian-korpus beduidend meer uitgesproke as die City Press-korpus was in die bepleiting van Gayregte, en dat beide koerante gereeld homoseksualiteit in terme van “toleransie”, “godsdiens” en “regte” geraam het. Die kwantifiseerbare bevindinge het ook aangetoon dat beide City Press en Mail & Guardian beduidend van rame gebruik gemaak het wat tipies en wyd in daardie stadium deur die media gebruik is in die diskoers van politieke verandering. Die gedetailleerde analises het ondersoek ingestel na die tekstuele reproduksie van die skrywers se ideologieë, en spesifiek die aandag gevestig op hul gereelde staatmaking op sekere tipes argumente wat in die geselekteerde koerante vir en teen Gayregte gebruik is
