The Experts below are selected from a list of 16122 Experts worldwide ranked by ideXlab platform

Sue Bruley - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • the politics of food gender family community and collective feeding in south wales in the General Strike and miners lockout of 1926
    Twentieth Century British History, 2006
    Co-Authors: Sue Bruley
    Abstract:

    This article features the General Strike and Miners’ Lockout in South Wales in 1926. It examines the Lockout from the perspective of social and gender history, focusing on communal eating which was a central feature of community survival and resistance. It documents the extensive network of soup kitchens for miners, which was established across the South Wales coal field during the seven months of the Lockout. In addition school feeding and the involvement of both central and local authorities is analysed. The article highlights the opportunities that arose from the Lockout, particularly through communal eating, for a reduction in gender segregation and a challenge to male dominance. It concludes that overall, women in these mining communities were concerned to maintain class solidarity with their men rather than to make advances for women. Maintaining the masculine identity of the militant miner, which necessarily incorporated male bonding and women's subordination, was regarded as an essential feature of the class struggle. The General Strike, and the epic struggle of the miners which followed, have long been regarded as seminal events in the history of the twentieth-century labour movement. It is remembered as perhaps the greatest episode in working class solidarity in British history. Historians writing from a left wing perspective have also been drawn to the leap in class consciousness which occurred in some local areas, transforming the Strike/Lockout from a struggle to defend wages and living standards to the exercise of real workers’ power.1 The vast specialist historiography on this topic, much of which emanates from the 1970s and earlier, focuses very much on the politics of industrial conflict as played out at both national and local levels.2 This emphasis on traditional ‘labour history’ left women either invisible or on the margins of the conflict, although attempts were made from a ‘women's history approach’ by Sarah Boston and Shiela Lewenhak to include women in the General Strike in their more General narratives.3 Despite the advent of ‘gender history’ from the late 1980s there have been no major studies of the social and gender impact of the 1926 dispute, although recently both Ian Haywood and Maroula Joannou have addressed gender aspects of the General Strike through the literature of the period.4 Ellen Wilkinson's novel Clash is perhaps unique in that it develops a socialist–feminist perspective through her heroine, labour activist Joan Craig, who is committed to preserving her independence within marriage.5 Virtually all the studies of this topic focus heavily on the nine days of the General Strike with little consideration of the seven-month Lockout which followed the collapse of the General Strike on 12 May 1926. The only specialist work on the Lockout is Gerard Noel's forgotten text The Great Lockout of 1926 (1976).6 This impressionistic account attempts to bring in some social aspects of the dispute, although even here women make only a fleeting appearance and there is no serious attempt to examine the position of women in the coalfield communities. It is hoped that this article will begin the process of establishing a gendered approach to the General Strike and Miners’ Lockout. Research on this question necessitates a detailed local case study methodology rather than a broad national survey. This article concentrates on Britain's largest (by number of miners) and most militant coalfield, South Wales, which also, unlike most other coalfields, possessed a distinctive separate identity from the surrounding area. Chris Williams has acknowledged that gender history in Wales is still at an early stage.7 In a recent article Paul O’Leary argues that whilst major advances have been made to map out the experiences of women in modern Welsh history, the overall emphasis on community cohesion (rather than social divisions such as gender and ethnicity) has inhibited the development of an integrated approach, often leaving women's history as an ‘add on’ to the dominant narratives.8 The historicization of men in Wales, on the other hand, has scarcely been recognized. O’Leary goes on to make the case for the centrality of gender for research in Welsh history.9 This involves collapsing the public/private divide, being attentive to family dynamics, acknowledging the pivotal role of women's unpaid labour to the local economy, and recognizing both femininity and masculinity as essential components of any historical enquiry. Using this approach, this article will analyse in depth one aspect of the dispute which was central to community survival: food and communal eating.

  • gender class and party the communist party and the crisis in the cotton industry in england between the two world wars
    Womens History Review, 1993
    Co-Authors: Sue Bruley
    Abstract:

    Abstract The Strikes in the cotton industry in England between the two world wars constitute a wave of industrial militancy surpassed only by the General Strike. One of the most distinctive characteristics of the industry was the predominance of women workers. Women on the weaving side of the industry were the most well organised group of industrial women in England and enjoyed piece rates which gave them equality with men. The Communist Party had traditionally focussed its industrial policy on skilled occupations, such as mining, which were heavily male dominated. Industrial restructuring, the slump and other factors produced a serious erosion in this industrial base so that by 1930 the Party was at a low ebb. The upsurge in militancy amongst cotton workers at this time was a major factor in precipitating a new policy towards women workers and an unprecedented concern for their interests. It did not take long, however, before traditional patterns reasserted themselves

David Camfield - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

Lisa A Lindsay - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • domesticity and difference male breadwinners working women and colonial citizenship in the 1945 nigerian General Strike
    The American Historical Review, 1999
    Co-Authors: Lisa A Lindsay
    Abstract:

    FROM JUNE 22 TO AUGUST 6, 1945, around 40,000 Nigerian workers-mostly civil servants and railwaymen in Yorubaland in the southwest-stayed off their jobs to protest the government's refusal to raise wages after years of acute inflation.' Scholars have seen the General Strike as a turning point in Nigerian labor history as well as part of a larger movement of African nationalism, in which workers achieved a remarkable degree of class unity, broad segments of the population openly defied the colonial regime, and the government was forced to live up to some of its war-era developmentalist rhetoric.2 Although historians have stressed the importance of community support in explaining the Strike's ultimate success, none has noted a crucial irony: male workers demanded wage increases and even family allowances on the basis of their status as breadwinners, yet they survived during the course of the Strike in large measure because of the economic independence of their wives and the importance of market women to local economies. Furthermore, in the post-Strike debate over family allowances, trade unionists used gendered language and claims about respectability to talk about racial equality within the colonial order and to constitute the colonial worker and citizen as a male household head.3 This article explores the network of gender and family issues involved in the most

Terry Irving - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

Kevin Morgan - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • bolshevism syndicalism and the General Strike the lost internationalist world of a a purcell
    2013
    Co-Authors: Kevin Morgan
    Abstract:

    1 Around a life 2 Syndicalism, internationalism and the furnishing trades 2.1 Syndicalists without syndicalism? 2.2 Socialist and syndicalist 2.3 Syndicalism and the Furnishing Trades 2.4 'An international class' 2.5 War, revolution 3 Roads to freedom in the 1920s 3.1 The swing of the pendulum 3.2 Non-party communist 3.3 Guild socialist 3.4 Parliamentary socialist 3.5 The persistency of syndicalism 4 Labour's Russian delegations 4.1 Insular internationalists 4.2 Russia 1920 4.3 'Getting together' 4.4 Russia 1924 4.5 Social anti-imperialism 5 'Swimming against a flood': Emma Goldman in London 5.1 A habit of truth-telling 5.2 That damn fake Purcelle 5.3 Anarchism and the English psychology 5.4 A nation of shopkeepers 5.5 The Russian superstition 6 The other future? 6.1 The future in America? 6.2 Fordism and the left 6.3 Workers vs robots 6.4 Cultural critique 6.5 Purcell in America 7 The General Strike 7.1 The Strike as social myth 7.2 The dynamics of solidarity 7.3 Strike discussions 7.4 The nine days 7.5 A melancholy comparison 8 Democracy or dictatorship? 8.1 The 'Congress of Reckoning' 8.2 Citrine as new exemplar Epilogue: A claim-making performer