Industrial Capitalism

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Ronald M. Glassman - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • From Trade Capitalism to Industrial Capitalism
    The Origins of Democracy in Tribes City-States and Nation-States, 2017
    Co-Authors: Ronald M. Glassman
    Abstract:

    We have presented a description of the proclivity for machine production emanating from Calvinist Protestantism. Whether one accepts Weber’s thesis on this is not crucial to our theorizing in this treatise. The fact that machine-production began to be developed, expanded, and innovated is all that is necessary for us. Whatever its origin, machine production, and then the factory assembly line system that emerged surrounding it, became more successful than artisan production or slave production. If the products were not as perfect as those produced by the artisan master-craftsman, the sheer number of products that could be produced by machines was infinite in comparison. And, machine production, with wage-laborers tending the machines, evolved as less costly than slave or serf labor. Adam Smith’s description of the “pin factory” in The Wealth of Nations already glows with the improvement in productivity resulting from even this simple assembly line process.

  • The Class Structure of Industrial Capitalism
    The Origins of Democracy in Tribes City-States and Nation-States, 2017
    Co-Authors: Ronald M. Glassman
    Abstract:

    The gentry had replaced the knights as the upper class of post-feudal Europe. However, though having had commercial origins, by the nineteenth century the gentry had developed aristocratic airs to go along with their land and titles. As a class, they had been split during the commercial revolution against the monarchies. By and large, they opposed the kings, but they never really accepted the idea of a democratic parliament.

  • The Welfare State for the New Rich
    Caring Capitalism, 2000
    Co-Authors: Ronald M. Glassman
    Abstract:

    The new upper class can finance their social services privately, but they cannot finance their economic needs privately! There is a remarkable paradox emerging worldwide in terms of high-tech Industrial Capitalism, as an economic system.

  • Three Models of High-Technology Industrial Capitalism
    The New Middle Class and Democracy in Global Perspective, 1997
    Co-Authors: Ronald M. Glassman
    Abstract:

    It was the British who invented the Industrial form of Capitalism - its institutions, its processes, and its theory. Trade Capitalism had been around since ancient times, and it had been modernized in Europe during the Renaissance and Reformation. Industrial Capitalism was something new, as Smith, Bentham, Ricardo, Mill and Marx understood.

  • High-Technology Industrial Capitalism as a New Mode of Production
    The New Middle Class and Democracy in Global Perspective, 1997
    Co-Authors: Ronald M. Glassman
    Abstract:

    We are theorizing that Industrial Capitalism has evolved to a new level of productive capacity, and that the structure of the forces of production are so different from the old-fashioned smoke-stack factory system as to have engendered a whole new set of social relations. In Marxian terms, a new mode of production has evolved (but not the one that Marx had envisioned, of course).

Huseyin Leblebici - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

Sol Picciotto - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • Liberalization and Democratization: The Forum and the Hearth in the Era of Cosmopolitan Post-Industrial Capitalism
    Law and Contemporary Problems, 2000
    Co-Authors: Sol Picciotto
    Abstract:

    SOL PICCIOTTO [*] I INTRODUCTION THE MISNOMER OF PRIVATIZATION The processes described under the misleading term "privatization" have been part of a major social restructuring in both the political and economic spheres. Most notably, widespread state failures have resulted in significant changes in the form and functions of the state. This reform encompasses not only the collapse of state socialism, but also crises and radical reforms in developed capitalist states, including U.S. regulated corporatism, European-style social-democratic welfare states, and the developmental states of Japan and the Asian "tigers." The causes of these changes have been equally diverse, involving a mixture of both political and economic factors. Nevertheless, these processes have much in common, entailing a transition to post-Industrial Capitalism, or what Manuel Castells has called the "Information Age." [1] The crisis of the state has been most evident in eastern Europe and the former Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, which experienced a systemic social crisis of both political autocracy and economic centralization. Elsewhere, the relationships between the political and economic aspects have been less explicit, and thus the overall nature of the processes has been harder to grasp. One linking element has been the increased difficulty of legitimizing public expenditures from general taxes--especially those paid by direct taxes on income. This problem applied not only to social and welfare spending, but also to public funding of the renewal of infrastructure, in particular, expenses to keep pace with emerging needs and technologies in areas such as transportation and telecommunications. At the same time, political systems found it increasingly difficult to resolve conflicting claims and demands in public services. New mechanisms were devised to decentralize decisionmaking and introduce "market principles" into public sector resource allocation. Although these changes were often presented as a decentralization or devolution of power, this characterization was in many respects misleading because the power devolved was generally limited to micro-management of shrinking resources within the parameters defined from above. I had first-hand experience of this process as an elected school governor from 1989 to 1991, not long after the British Conservative government had introduced devolved budgetary management in schools. That system was billed as a transfer of power from local education authorities to head-teachers and governors. In practice, it relieved our local authority of the responsibility for difficult decisions, such as deciding whether to close small rural schools or balancing staffing ne eds against book purchasing; however, central government essentially determined the parameters for these decisions by setting the weighting criteria for budgetary allocations to schools. Similar attempts were made in other public services, such as health care. Thus, although there has been much political talk of "rolling back the state," the process has largely consisted of remodeling the "public" sphere of politics and its relationship to the "private" sphere of economic activity. This is shown even by crude measures, such as state expenditure as a proportion of Gross Domestic Product ("GDP"), which has scarcely fallen even in countries where there has been extensive privatization. [2] At the same time, major transformations have also been occurring in the forms of organization of so-called private enterprise, that is, the business economy dominated by the giant corporation. Large-scale mass manufacturing has been reorganized, and the centralized bureaucratic firm has become the "lean and mean" corporation, concentrating on its "core competencies" but operating within a web of strategic alliances, supplier chains, and financial and governmental networks. [3] Many of these changes have been driven by social pressures from below. …

David J. Teece - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • The Dynamics of Industrial Capitalism: Perspectives on Alfred Chandler's Scale and Scope
    Journal of Economic Literature, 1993
    Co-Authors: David J. Teece
    Abstract:

    THIS REVIEW ESSAY is about a major treatise on modern Capitalism by Alfred D. Chandler, one of the great authorities on business history. Scale and Scope: The Dynamics of Industrial Capitalism (1990) is a monumental work that answers important questions about managerial behavior and business institutions-the heart of the capitalist system of organization. The book ought to influence, if not shape, the research agenda for work in business history, Industrial organization, the theory of the firm, and economic change for decades to come. In one powerful sweep it has also helped rebalance the literature on processes of wealth generation in capitalist society by displaying how the competitiveness of nations has depended in an important way upon the organizational and financial capabilities of firms, and their supporting institutions. Professor Chandler recounts the history of how managers in the United States, Britain, and Germany built the organizations and took the risks of investment necessary to capture the economies of scale and scope opened up by the technological innovations of the second Industrial revolution. His thesis is not that markets shape business organization as is commonly supposed in economic theorizing; rather it is that business organizations shape markets. The implication of this tour de force is that much of what is in the textbooks in mainstream microeconomics, Industrial organization, and possibly growth and development ought to be revised, in some cases relegated to the appendices, if economic analysis is to come to grips with the essence of productivity improvement and wealth generation in advanced Industrial economies. It challenges much cur* Scale and Scope: The Dynamics of Industrial Capitalism. By ALFRED D. CHANDLER, JR. with the assistance of TAKASHI HIKINO. Cambridge, Mass. and London: Harvard U. Press, Belknap Press, 1990. Pp. xviii, 860. $35.00. ISBN 00-674-78994-6.

Patrick Adler - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.