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Ryan Hartzell C Balisacan - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • hyper presidentialism in philippine Budgeting toward a political theory of the Budget using insights from a post mortem examination of the disbursement acceleration program dap
    Social Science Research Network, 2015
    Co-Authors: Ryan Hartzell C Balisacan
    Abstract:

    The Disbursement Acceleration Program (DAP) was implemented from 2011 to 2013 as a "reform intervention to speed up public spending and boost economic growth." It was, however, declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court in 2014. In response, Congress sought to resuscitate the program by redefining the concept of "savings" in the National Budget. The dynamics behind the implementation of the DAP, as well as the executive, judicial and legislative actions that followed in its wake, illustrate the tendencies of the Philippine political system to concentrate power in the hands of the President vis-a-vis the other branches of government. This phenomenon is called "hyper-presidentialism." The said phenomenon will be discussed extensively in this study, using the DAP experience as an illustrative case. Proceeding from this, the phenomenon of hyper-presidentialism will be applied in the area of public finance, and examined closely in terms of its implications on Budgeting, Budget theory and constitutional politics.

  • redefining savings in the National Budget post dap a case study and cautionary tale of hyper presidentialism in public finance
    Social Science Research Network, 2014
    Co-Authors: Ryan Hartzell C Balisacan
    Abstract:

    On 01 July 2014, the Supreme Court declared the Disbursement Acceleration Program (DAP), President Benigno S. Aquino’s multi-billion peso “economic stimulus” program, unconstitutional. In its aftermath, Congress – with the explicit support (if not direct inducement) of top executive officials – set about finding ways to work around the Supreme Court’s ruling. Since the Supreme Court’s invalidation of the DAP was anchored on, among various other grounds, the finding that said program involved the unlawful declaration and utilization of savings as defined in the law, Congress initiated the redefinition of the concept of “savings” in the General Appropriations Act (GAA) or the National Budget. This re-conceptualized definition of “savings” will be introduced for the very first time in the coming fiscal year 2015. Being a significant departure from the concept of “savings” that have historically been adopted in all GAAs since the post-EDSA era, it warrants close scrutiny.In this paper, I argue that the DAP (and, by extension, the redefinition of “savings” in the 2015 GAA that was adopted to resuscitate the invalidated DAP), is symptomatic of the tendencies of the Philippine political system to concentrate power in the hands of the President vis-a-vis Congress and the judiciary. This phenomenon is called “hyper-presidentialism,” characterized by Presidential “overreaching” into spheres of governance not constitutionally assigned to the executive department, in the face of inadequate checks-and-balances and “political pushback” from the legislative and judicial departments.Using, as a case study, efforts to adopt a “post-DAP” redefinition of “savings” in the 2015 GAA, I argue that despite the “watering down” of the House of Representatives’ original proposal (as reflected in the ratified Bi-Cameral Conference Committee version), similar attempts to re-conceptualize “savings” in a manner that diminishes Congress’ well-established “power of the purse” will most likely be replicated in the future, given the prevailing hyper-presidential tendencies of the political system. I conclude that hyper-presidentialism disturbs the delicate balance between co-ordinate branches of government that should ideally act as a safeguard against improper spending of public funds. Hyper-presidentialism should, therefore, be controlled, especially in the field of public finance, where the ill effects of mishandling of power over public finds are most acute.

Germa Bel I Queralt - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • infrastructure and nation building the regulation and financing of network transportation infrastructures in spain 1720 2010
    Business History, 2011
    Co-Authors: Germa Bel I Queralt
    Abstract:

    This paper analyses Spanish infrastructure policy since the early 1700s: road building in the eighteenth century, railway creation and expansion in the nineteenth, motorway expansion in the twentieth, and high speed rail development in the twenty-first. The analysis reveals a long-term pattern, in which infrastructure policy in Spain has been driven not by the requirements of commerce and economic activity, but rather by the desire to centralise transportation around the country's political capital. As commerce has been unable to sustain the development of this policy, regulation and subsidies from the National Budget have regularly been used to decide the priorities regarding infrastructure creation and to fund the development, maintenance, and operation of the networks. When high roads, bridges, canals, etc. are in this manner made and supported by the commerce which is carried on by means of them, they can be made only where that commerce requires them, and consequently where it is proper to make them....

Germa Bel - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • infrastructure and nation building the regulation and financing of network transportation infrastructures in spain 1720 2010
    Business History, 2011
    Co-Authors: Germa Bel
    Abstract:

    This paper analyses Spanish infrastructure policy since the early 1700s: road building in the eighteenth century, railway creation and expansion in the nineteenth, motorway expansion in the twentieth, and high speed rail development in the twenty-first. The analysis reveals a long-term pattern, in which infrastructure policy in Spain has been driven not by the requirements of commerce and economic activity, but rather by the desire to centralise transportation around the country's political capital. As commerce has been unable to sustain the development of this policy, regulation and subsidies from the National Budget have regularly been used to decide the priorities regarding infrastructure creation and to fund the development, maintenance, and operation of the networks. When high roads, bridges, canals, etc. are in this manner made and supported by the commerce which is carried on by means of them, they can be made only where that commerce requires them, and consequently where it is proper to make them. Their expense too, their grandeur and magnificence, must be suited to what that commerce can afford to pay. They must be made consequently as it is proper to make them. A magnificent high road cannot be made through a desert country where there is little or no commerce, or merely because it happens to lead to the country villa of the intendant of the province, or to that of some great lord to whom the intendant finds it convenient to make his court. Adam Smith, The wealth of nations (1776, vol. III.V.I, pp. 95--96)

Joni Jupesta - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • impact of the introduction of biofuel in the transportation sector in indonesia
    Sustainability, 2010
    Co-Authors: Joni Jupesta
    Abstract:

    With an area of 2 million square kilometers and a population of 237 million (2007), Indonesia is the fourth most populous nation in the world. This country is facing serious energy problems, with a change in status from net oil exporter to net importer in 2007, highly subsidized fossil fuel prices (the fuel subsidy in Indonesia uses up a significant portion of the National Budget), depleting oil resources, and strong dependency on fossil oil for gross domestic production. Action needs to be taken to tackle these issues.

K F Boersma - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • constraint of anthropogenic no x emissions in china from different sectors a new methodology using multiple satellite retrievals
    Atmospheric Chemistry and Physics, 2010
    Co-Authors: Jintai Lin, Michael B Mcelroy, K F Boersma
    Abstract:

    Abstract. A new methodology is developed to constrain Chinese anthropogenic emissions of nitrogen oxides (NOx) from four major sectors (industry, power plants, mobile and residential) in July 2008. It combines tropospheric NO2 column retrievals from GOME-2 and OMI, taking advantage of their different passing time over China (~10:00 a.m. LT (local time) versus ~02:00 p.m.) and consistent retrieval algorithms. The approach is based on the difference of NOx columns at the overpass times of the two instruments; it thus is less susceptible to the likely systematic errors embedded in individual retrievals that are consistent with each other. Also, it explicitly accounts for diurnal variations and uncertainties of NOx emissions for individual sources. Our best top-down estimate suggests a National Budget of 6.8 TgN/yr (5.5 TgN/yr for East China), close to the a priori bottom-up emission estimate from the INTEX-B mission for the year of 2006. The top-down emissions are lower than the a priori near Beijing, in the northeastern provinces and along the east coast; yet they exceed the a priori over many inland regions. Systematic errors in satellite retrievals are estimated to lead to underestimation of top-down emissions by at most 17% (most likely 10%). Effects of other factors on the top-down estimate are typically less than 15% each, including lightning, soil emissions, mixing in planetary boundary layer, anthropogenic emissions of carbon monoxide and volatile organic compounds, magnitude of a priori emissions, assumptions on emission diurnal variations, and uncertainties in the four sectors. The a posteriori emission Budget is 5.7 TgN/yr for East China.