The Experts below are selected from a list of 360 Experts worldwide ranked by ideXlab platform
Christopher Lamont - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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explaining the regeneration of the croatian democratic union in post presidential authoritarian croatia elites legacies and Party Organization
Social Science Research Network, 2008Co-Authors: Christopher LamontAbstract:The survival and regeneration of the Croatian Democratic Union in the aftermath of the death of the Party's authoritarian leader, Croatian president Franjo Tudjman, demonstrates the crucial role of elites and Party Organization in determining the trajectory of post-communist Party system development in Croatia. The question this article will address is what explains the Croatian Democratic Union's rapid adaptation from a leader-focused Party of power dependent upon the authoritarian leadership of president Tudjman into an electorally successful parliamentary political Party? It will be demonstrated that rather than focusing on Party responsiveness to societal cleavages, a modified elite model of Party system development best illustrates the Croatian Democratic Union's persistence and electoral survival in post-Tudjman Croatia.
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explaining the regeneration of the croatian democratic union in post presidential authoritarian croatia elites legacies and Party Organization
Balkanistica, 2008Co-Authors: Christopher LamontAbstract:The survival and regeneration of the Croatian Democratic Union in the aftermath of the death of the Party's authoritarian leader, Croatian president Franjo Tudjman, demonstrates the crucial role of elites and Party Organization in determining the trajectory of post-communist Party system development in Croatia. The question this article addresses is what explains the Croatian Democratic Union's rapid adaptation from a leader-focused Party of power dependent upon the authoritarian leadership of president Tudjman into an electorally successful parliamentary political Party? It will be demonstrated that rather than focusing on Party responsiveness to societal cleavages, a modified elite model of Party system development best illustrates the Croatian Democratic Union's persistence and electoral survival in post-Tudjman Croatia.
Margit Tavits - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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post communist democracies and Party Organization
2013Co-Authors: Margit TavitsAbstract:1. Introduction 2. Organizing for success: Party Organization and Party performance 3. Organizations at work: assessing the causal mechanisms 4. Organizing for unity: Organizational strength and parties in parliament 5. Power within parties: the consequences of sub-unit Organizational strength 6. Environment, ideology, and leaders: why do some parties have strong and others weak Organizations? 7. Conclusion Appendixes References.
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post communist democracies and Party Organization
2013Co-Authors: Margit TavitsAbstract:Scholars of post-communist politics often argue that parties in new democracies lack strong Organizations - sizable membership, local presence, and professional management - because they do not need them to win elections and they may hinder a Party's flexibility and efficiency in office. Post-Communist Democracies and Party Organization explains why some political parties are better able than others to establish themselves in new democracies and why some excel at staying unified in parliament, whereas others remain dominated by individuals. Focusing on the democratic transitions in post-communist Europe from 1990 to 2010, Margit Tavits demonstrates that the successful establishment of a political Party in a new democracy crucially depends on the strength of its Organization. Yet not all parties invest in Organization development. This book uses data from ten post-communist democracies, including detailed analysis of parties in the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, and Poland.
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post communist democracies and Party Organization Organizations at work
2013Co-Authors: Margit TavitsAbstract:Parties with stronger Organizations are electorally more successful. The goal of this chapter is to complement the statistical results in support of this conclusion with an in-depth investigation of specific cases. The case studies enhance the analysis in several distinct ways by helping answer questions that the statistical analysis left open. First, by providing detailed contextual information about causal processes within cases, the qualitative narratives can be used to verify that the relationship between Organizational strength and electoral performance is not spurious. Specifically, the case studies help assess whether the proposed causal mechanisms actually work in the expected manner and the theoretical argument is compelling. Second, process tracing within cases also allows assessing the nature of the causal order between Organizational strength and electoral performance. Third, the within-case analysis entails the examination of a diverse set of materials and allows more fine-grained measurement of the key variables. For example, the qualitative analysis can supplement the electoral returns used in Chapter 2 with parties’ own assessments of their performance as well as those reported in the media. The case studies can also take into account the long-term survival of the Party. Fourth, the narratives provide another opportunity to assess the strength of the rival hypotheses including Party ideology, leader effects, and patronage. The qualitative analysis also helps evaluate Party performance in the context of environmental hostility, external shocks, and crises.
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power within parties the strength of the local Party and mp independence in postcommunist europe
American Journal of Political Science, 2011Co-Authors: Margit TavitsAbstract:This study argues that Organizationally stronger local Party branches are more powerful within the Party than Organizationally weaker branches: they can better perform the tasks central to the Party, which include communication with, and mobilization of, voters. I further argue that this subunit power should be manifested in the parliamentary behavior and status of MPs: those from districts where the local Party Organization is strong are more likely (1) to behave independently in parliament and break Party unity and (2) to hold leadership positions in parliamentary committees. I find support for these propositions in the analysis of 12 legislatures from four postcommunist democracies—Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, and Poland. The results remain robust against various alternative explanations.
David J. Samuels - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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presidents parties and prime ministers how the separation of powers affects Party Organization and behavior
2010Co-Authors: David J. Samuels, Matthew Soberg ShugartAbstract:1. Introduction 2. Political parties in the Neo-Madisonian theoretical framework 3. Insiders and outsiders: Madison's dilemma and leadership selection 4. Constitutional design and intra-Party leadership accountability 5. Electoral separation of purpose within political parties 6. The impact of constitutional change on Party Organization and behavior 7. Parties' 'presidential dilemmas' in Brazil and Mexico 8. Presidents, prime ministers, and mandate representation 9. Conclusion.
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from socialism to social democracy Party Organization and the transformation of the workers Party in brazil
Comparative Political Studies, 2004Co-Authors: David J. SamuelsAbstract:Luis Inacio Lula da Silva’s victory in Brazil’s 2002 presidential election brought to power Latin America’s largest leftist Party, the Workers’Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores [PT]). The PTwon because it moved to the center, and voters regarded this shift as credible. The Party’s transformation is puzzling, because political scientists do not expect strategic flexibility in “mass bureaucratic” parties, which the PT resembles. Although exogenous factors are important, the key to understanding the Party’s strategic adaptation lies with its internal institutions, which generate substantial leadership accountability. The weight of pragmatists in the rank and file grew in the 1990s following the Party’s success in subnational executive elections and its consequent need to demonstrate results in office. These rank-and-file members could influence the Party’s direction because of the Party’s internally democratic institutions. The PT’s transformation reveals that strategic flexibility can emerge in mass parties ...
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Presidentialized Parties The Separation of Powers and Party Organization and Behavior
Comparative Political Studies, 2002Co-Authors: David J. SamuelsAbstract:Scholars have devoted substantial research to political parties, but comparativists have not explored how presidentialism and parliamentarism differently affect Party development, Organization, and...
Sergiu Gherghina - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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national games for local gains legislative activity Party Organization and candidate selection
Journal of Elections Public Opinion & Parties, 2020Co-Authors: Mihail Chiru, Sergiu GherghinaAbstract:Conventional research on political careers has emphasized the use of local offices as a springboard for national careers. However, movements in the reverse direction can also happen when local offi...
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organized for parliament explaining the electoral success of radical right parties in post communist europe
2016Co-Authors: Caroline Werkmann, Sergiu GherghinaAbstract:Over the last three decades a great deal of research has been carried out in an attempt to explain the electoral performance of radical right parties in Europe. Most approaches concentrate on demand side determinants and have some limitations. We compensated for these shortcomings and focus on the context of Party competition and supply-side determinants (consistency of ideological discourse, functioning Party propaganda, the continuity of leader in office, and strong Party Organization) to explain the electoral success of radical right parties in post-communist Europe. We conducted our analysis at Party level on nine radical right parties in four countries from Central and Eastern Europe (Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Romania) between 1990 and 2014. The bi-variate and multivariate (ordinal logistic regression) analyses draw on unique data collected from primary and secondary sources.
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Party Organization and electoral volatility in central and eastern europe enhancing voter loyalty
2014Co-Authors: Sergiu GherghinaAbstract:Political parties in post-communist countries have very high levels of electoral volatility. In these environments, political factions fail to establish long-term connections with the electorate and thus regularly rise and fall from the political arena. This book provides an Organizational explanation for the variations in Party-level electoral volatility. It looks comparatively at 29 political parties in six Central and Eastern European democracies between 1990 and 2008 to examine how political parties can influence their electoral environment. Using empirical evidence, it tests the effect of candidate selection procedures, membership Organizations, and re-nomination of incumbent MPs on voters’ loyalty, and in doing so, demonstrates how Party Organization greatly affects electoral stability. Including case studies from Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and Slovakia this book will be of interest to students and scholars of comparative politics, Party politics, democratization, elections, and Central and Eastern European politics.
Barry Ames - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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the reverse coattails effect local Party Organization in the 1989 brazilian presidential election
American Political Science Review, 1994Co-Authors: Barry AmesAbstract:Increasingly, it is said that the main determinants of electoral outcomes are class, ethnicity, and religion and that local political Organizations occupy only marginal roles in national elections. I assess the effects of local Party Organizations in the presidential election of 1989 in Brazil. Given the long hiatus in competitive politics, the absence of any parties linked to the country's previous democratic experience, and the weakness of citizen identification with political parties, Brazil should be a textbook example of the collapse of local political Organizations. The presidential candidates, however, acted as if Party endorsements mattered, and in the context of Brazilian politics, it was rational for municipal mayors to trade blocs of votes for future local benefits. Applying a series of increasingly complex models to the vote shares of the leading candidates, I show that all candidates did significantly better in municipalities where the mayor represented their Party. I also show that spatial factors affect the tactics of local politicians, and I distinguish charismatic from purely Organizational components of support.