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Phi-vân Nguyen - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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a secular state for a Religious nation the republic of vietnam and Religious Nationalism 1946 1963
The Journal of Asian Studies, 2018Co-Authors: Phi-vân NguyenAbstract:Most studies of the Republic of Vietnam's nation-building programs have focused on its security and land reforms. Yet spirituality was a fundamental element of Ngo Đinh Diệm's Personalist Revolution. This article analyzes how the Republic of Vietnam attempted to channel the Religious Nationalism emerging from the First Indochina War. The spiritual dimension of the Republic's Personalist Revolution did not involve state interference in all Religious activities. Instead, it promoted Religious freedom and diversity, provided that the spiritual values they propagated opposed communism's atheism. In practice, this framework did not succeed in creating a Religious alliance against communism. In fact, it strengthened a Religious consciousness that would increasingly challenge the state, its assumption that religions opposed communism, and the very principle of Religious diversity.
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A Secular State for a Religious Nation: The Republic of Vietnam and Religious Nationalism, 1946–1963
The Journal of Asian Studies, 2018Co-Authors: Phi-vân NguyenAbstract:Most studies of the Republic of Vietnam's nation-building programs have focused on its security and land reforms. Yet spirituality was a fundamental element of Ngo Đinh Diệm's Personalist Revolution. This article analyzes how the Republic of Vietnam attempted to channel the Religious Nationalism emerging from the First Indochina War. The spiritual dimension of the Republic's Personalist Revolution did not involve state interference in all Religious activities. Instead, it promoted Religious freedom and diversity, provided that the spiritual values they propagated opposed communism's atheism. In practice, this framework did not succeed in creating a Religious alliance against communism. In fact, it strengthened a Religious consciousness that would increasingly challenge the state, its assumption that religions opposed communism, and the very principle of Religious diversity.
Mark Juergensmeyer - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Religious Nationalism in a Global World
Religions, 2019Co-Authors: Mark JuergensmeyerAbstract:The rise of new forms of Religious Nationalism at the end of the 20th and beginning of the 21st centuries is to a large extent a by-product of globalization. As nation-states are permeated by transnational economics and trends and secular Nationalism is challenged by the global diaspora of peoples and cultures, new ethno-Religious movements have arisen to shore up a sense of national community and purpose. One can project at least three different futures for Religious and ethnic Nationalism in a global world: one where Religious and ethnic politics ignore globalization, where they rail against it, and where they envision their own transnational futures.
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Religious Nationalism and the Secular State
International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 2015Co-Authors: Mark JuergensmeyerAbstract:This article is a revision of the previous edition article by T.N. Madan, volume 19, pp. 13123–13127, © 2001, Elsevier Ltd.
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The global rise of Religious Nationalism
Australian Journal of International Affairs, 2010Co-Authors: Mark JuergensmeyerAbstract:The global rise of Religious politics is found in every Religious tradition, spurred on by the widespread perception that secular Nationalism is an ineffective and insufficient expression of public values and moral community in a global era in which traditional forms of social identity and political accountability are radically transformed. Religious violence is an expression of this anti-secular protest and the symptom of a longing for a renewed sense of morality and values in public life.
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The Worldwide Rise of Religious Nationalism
Journal of International Affairs, 1996Co-Authors: Mark JuergensmeyerAbstract:"Palestine is not completely free," a leader of Hamas' policy wing remarked, "until it is an Islamic state."(1) The Hamas activist made this statement in Gaza only a few months before the January 1996 elections, an event that not only brought Yasir Arafat triumphantly into power but also fulfilled the Palestinian dream of an independent nation. Yet it was not the kind of nation that the Islamic activist and his colleagues had yearned to create. For that reason, they refused to run candidates for public office and urged their followers to boycott the polls. They threatened that the movement would continue to carry out "political actions," by which they meant terrorist attacks, such as the series of suicide bombings conducted by a militant faction that rocked Jerusalem, Tel Aviv and elsewhere in Israel in February and March of 1996, jeopardizing the peace process and Arafat's fragile alliance. On the Israeli side of the border, Jewish activists have also attacked the secular leadership of their nation, and again a virulent mixture of religion and politics has led to bloodshed. Yigal Amir, who was convicted of assassinating Israel's prime minister Yitzhak Rabin in Tel Aviv on 4 November 1995, claimed that he had Religious reasons for his actions, saying "everything I did, I did for the glory of God."(2) Amir has adamantly rejected attempts by his lawyers to assert that he was not guilty by reason of insanity. "I am at peace," he explained, insisting that he was "totally normal." His murder of Rabin, he argued, was deliberate and even praiseworthy under a certain reading of Religious law that allows for a defense against those who would destroy the Jewish nation.(3) A few weeks before the assassination, Jewish activists near Hebron indicated that they shared many of Amir's views. They were still grieving over the killing of Dr. Baruch Goldstein by an angry Muslim crowd in February 1995, after he murdered 35 Muslims as they were saying their prayers in the mosque at the Cave of the Patriarchs, revered by both Jews and Muslims as the burial place of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob. Goldstein's grave has now been made into a shrine. The militant Jews at the site explained that acts such as Dr. Goldstein's were necessary not only to protect the land but also to defend the very notion of a Jewish nation -- one that for reasons of redemption and history had to be established on biblical terrain. Religious duty required them to become involved politically and even militarily. "Jews," one of them said, "have to learn to worship in a national way."(4) This potentially explosive mixture of Nationalism and religion is an ingredient even in incidents that might appear initially to be isolated terrorist incidents: the bombing of the federal building in Oklahoma City on 19 April 1995, for instance, or the 20 March 1995 nerve gas attack on a Tokyo subway station. In the Oklahoma City case, the Christian militia movements with which accused bombers Timothy McVeigh and Terry Nichols have been associated have adopted a certain conspiratorial view of American politics: The nation is not free, they reason, because of a vast international conspiracy involving Jews and Freemasons. They believe that it needs to be liberated through an armed struggle that will establish America as an independent and Christian nation.(5) Strangely, the same conspiracy was articulated by members of Aum Shinrikyo (Om Supreme Truth), the eclectic Buddhist-Hindu Religious movement in Japan that has been accused of unleashing cannisters of nerve gas in a Tokyo subway station, killing twelve people and injuring thousands. A young man who was a public affairs officer for the main Tokyo headquarters of the movement at the time said that the first thing that came to his mind when he heard about the attack was that the "weird time had come:" The Third World War was about to begin. He had been taught by his spiritual master, Shoko Asahara, that Armegeddon was imminent. …
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Can we live with Religious Nationalism
Peace Review, 1995Co-Authors: Mark JuergensmeyerAbstract:In the early months of the Iranian revolution, some American scholars refused to accept it as genuine. They thought it was only “an unfortunate interruption of the historical process” they believed had been leading Iran inexorably toward a Western‐style liberal political system. Many Westerners still believe that, and are waiting for Iran to return to its senses. Yet, elsewhere in the Muslim world, Iran's revolution is seen quite differently: it is viewed as part of the “march of history” that Muslim nationalists in Algeria recently proclaimed in celebrating their own successful elections. Their view of history culminates in a world filled with Religiously‐oriented nations.
Roger Friedland - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Money, sex, and god: the erotic logic of Religious Nationalism
Sociological Theory, 2002Co-Authors: Roger FriedlandAbstract:God is once again afoot in the public sphere. Politics has become a Religious obligation. For a new breed of Religious nationalist the nation-state is a vehicle of the divine. This essay seeks to accomplish four things. The first is to argue for an institutional approach to Religious Nationalism in order both to interpret and explain it. Second, I argue that religion and Nationalism partake of a common symbolic order and that Religious Nationalism is therefore not an oxymoron. Third, the essay seeks to explain why religion has become such a potent political force in our time. And fourth--the task that will take up the bulk of the text--it seeks a principle of intelligibility in the semiotic order of Religious Nationalism that can comprehend its preoccupation with both women's erotic bodies and monies out of national control. Language: en
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Religious Nationalism and the Problem of Collective Representation
Annual Review of Sociology, 2001Co-Authors: Roger FriedlandAbstract:▪ Abstract I first argue that religion partakes of the symbolic order of the nation-state and that contemporary Nationalisms are suffused with the Religious. I then suggest that Religious Nationalism calls into question the theoretical duality of the social and the cultural, a divide variously identified with the material and the symbolic, class and status, economy and civil society. Religious Nationalism, I suggest, requires an institutional approach to the project of collective representation. Religious Nationalism offers a particular ontology of power, an ontology revealed and affirmed through its politicized practices and the central object of its political concern, practices that locate collective solidarity in Religious faith shared by embodied families, not in contract and consent enacted by abstract individual citizens. Understanding the institutional basis of Religious nationalist discourse allows us to understand its affinities with socialist politics. If Religious Nationalism derives from relig...
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When God Walks in History The Institutional Politics of Religious Nationalism
International Sociology, 1999Co-Authors: Roger FriedlandAbstract:Religious Nationalism represents an institutional project to transform the ontology of the social, to redefine the substance of collective representation, the principle of domination and the criteria for membership. Religious Nationalism transforms the territorial nation-state into a vehicle in and by which to extend the materiality of its culturally specific categories, codes, values and narratives. It thereby challenges social theories, like that of Bourdieu, that deculturalize power, as well as those, like J. Alexander, that culturalize it in an institutionally restrictive manner. Religious Nationalism is not a retreat to the premodern, but an effort to bound and energize the elemental modern moments, that of the self and the national-state. Religious Nationalism represents the return to text, to the fixity of signs, the renarrativization of the nation in a cosmic context. It returns us to bodies and souls, a zone to be defended against things on the one side and beasts on the other. It offers a way to secure morality against an increasingly post-humanist world. Its discourse of difference seeks to bound the nation. Religious Nationalism restores the binaries of inside and outside, us and them, good and evil, man and woman and centers them in sacred space
Roland Clark - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Orthodoxy and nation-building: Nichifor Crainic and Religious Nationalism in 1920s Romania
Nationalities Papers, 2012Co-Authors: Roland ClarkAbstract:This article uses the early career of Nichifor Crainic (1889–1972) to show why Orthodox Christianity became a central element of Romanian ultra-Nationalism during the 1920s. Most Romanian nationalists were atheists prior to the First World War, but state-sponsored nation-building efforts catalyzed by territorial expansion and the incorporation of ethnic and Religious minorities allowed individuals such as Crainic to introduce Religious Nationalism into the public sphere. Examining Crainic's work during the 1920s shows how his Nationalism was shaped by mainstream political and ideological currents, including state institutions such as the Royal Foundations of Prince Carol and the Ministry of Cults and of Art. Despite championing “tradition,” Crainic was committed to changing Romanian society so long as that change followed autochthonous Romanian models. State sponsorship allowed Crainic to promote Religious Nationalism through his periodical Gândirea. Crainic's literary achievements earned him a chair in t...
Lindsay Katzir - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Seeking Zion: Grace Aguilar’s Religious Nationalism
Women in Judaism: A Multidisciplinary e-Journal, 2018Co-Authors: Lindsay KatzirAbstract:This article looks at Grace Aguilar (1816–1847), a well-known Anglo-Jewish author, as a Religious Zionist, and it analyzes Aguilar’s work in order to challenge three scholarly assumptions about the history of Zionism. First, that British Jews have never genuinely supported Zionism; second, that Zionism did not exist before Theodor Herzl, the founder of political Zionism; and third, that Jewish women rarely voiced Zionist ideas before the establishment of the State of Israel. Aguilar, an Anglo-Jewish woman writer, published during the mid-Victorian period, when she espoused orthodox views about the Jews’ restoration to Palestine. Aguilar’s belief in the biblical precept of Jewish nationhood was a precursor to the thought of later Zionists such as Herzl, as well as the convictions of Religious Zionists such as Rav Kook. Her Religious Nationalism provides an important counterpoint to scholarly claims that Victorian Jews identified only as British, as no different than their Christian neighbors. Instead, Aguilar characterizes the Jews as a nation apart, a people bound together by an ancient religion with roots (and a future) in Palestine.
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seeking zion grace aguilar s Religious Nationalism
Women in Judaism: A Multidisciplinary e-Journal, 2018Co-Authors: Lindsay KatzirAbstract:This article looks at Grace Aguilar (1816–1847), a well-known Anglo-Jewish author, as a Religious Zionist, and it analyzes Aguilar’s work in order to challenge three scholarly assumptions about the history of Zionism. First, that British Jews have never genuinely supported Zionism; second, that Zionism did not exist before Theodor Herzl, the founder of political Zionism; and third, that Jewish women rarely voiced Zionist ideas before the establishment of the State of Israel. Aguilar, an Anglo-Jewish woman writer, published during the mid-Victorian period, when she espoused orthodox views about the Jews’ restoration to Palestine. Aguilar’s belief in the biblical precept of Jewish nationhood was a precursor to the thought of later Zionists such as Herzl, as well as the convictions of Religious Zionists such as Rav Kook. Her Religious Nationalism provides an important counterpoint to scholarly claims that Victorian Jews identified only as British, as no different than their Christian neighbors. Instead, Aguilar characterizes the Jews as a nation apart, a people bound together by an ancient religion with roots (and a future) in Palestine.