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Asli Ozyurek - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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does Space Structure spatial language a comparison of spatial expression across sign languages
Language, 2015Co-Authors: Pamela M Perniss, I E P Zwitserlood, Asli OzyurekAbstract:The spatial affordances of the visual modality give rise to a high degree of similarity between sign languages in the spatial domain. This stands in contrast to the vast structural and semantic diversity in linguistic encoding of Space found in spoken languages. However, the possibility and nature of linguistic diversity in spatial encoding in sign languages has not been rigorously investigated by systematic crosslinguistic comparison. Here, we compare locative expression in two unrelated sign languages, Turkish Sign Language ( Turk Isaret Dili , TID) and German Sign Language ( Deutsche Gebardensprache , DGS), focusing on the expression of figure-ground (e.g. cup on table) and figure-figure (e.g. cup next to cup) relationships in a discourse context. In addition to similarities, we report qualitative and quantitative differences between the sign languages in the formal devices used (i.e. unimanual vs. bimanual; simultaneous vs. sequential) and in the degree of iconicity of the spatial devices. Our results suggest that sign languages may display more diversity in the spatial domain than has been previously assumed, and in a way more comparable with the diversity found in spoken languages. The study contributes to a more comprehensive understanding of how Space gets encoded in language.
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does Space Structure spatial language linguistic encoding of Space in sign languages
Cognitive Science, 2011Co-Authors: Pamela M Perniss, I E P Zwitserlood, Asli OzyurekAbstract:Does Space Structure Spatial Language? Linguistic Encoding of Space in Sign Languages Pamela Perniss (pamela.perniss@mpi.nl) Inge Zwitserlood (inge.zwitserlood@mpi.nl) Asli Ozyurek (asli.ozyurek@mpi.nl) Radboud University Nijmegen & Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics PO Box 310, 6500 AH Nijmegen, Netherlands Space. The spatial relationship between the signer’s hands represents the spatial relationship between the referents, whereby the handshapes are iconic with certain features of the referents (e.g. the inverted cupped hand to represent the bulk of a house). In contrast, there is no resemblance, or iconicity, between the actual scene and the linguistic form of a spoken language locative expression, as e.g. the English expression There is a bicycle next to the house. Abstract Spatial language in signed language is assumed to be shaped by affordances of the visual-spatial modality – where the use of the hands and Space allow the mapping of spatial relationships in an iconic, analogue way – and thus to be similar across sign languages. In this study, we test assumptions regarding the modality-driven similarity of spatial language by comparing locative expressions (e.g., cup is on the table) in two unrelated sign languages, TID (Turk Isaret Dili, Turkish Sign Language) and DGS (Deutsche Gebardensprache, German Sign Language) in a communicative, discourse context. Our results show that each sign language conventionalizes the Structure of locative expressions in different ways, going beyond iconic and analogue representations, suggesting that the use of Space to represent Space does not uniformly and predictably drive spatial language in the visual-spatial modality. These results are important for our understanding of how language modality shapes the Structure of language. HOUSE loc here BICYCLE loc next-to-house Figure 1. Example of an ASL (American Sign Language) locative expression depicting the spatial relationship of a bicycle next to a house (Emmorey, 2002). The expression contains the lexical signs for house (still 1) and bicycle (still 3), each followed by a locative predicate localizing the referent in Space. Keywords: iconicity; language modality; spatial language; locative expression; sign language Introduction Despite the difference in modality of expression, signed (visual-spatial) and spoken (vocal-aural) languages similarly conform to principles of grammatical Structure and linguistic form (Klima & Bellugi, 1979; Liddell, 1980; Padden, 1983; Stokoe, 1960; Supalla, 1986). However, in signed language, the use of the hands as primary articulators within a visible spatial medium for expression (i.e. the Space around the body) has special consequences for the expression of visual-spatial information (e.g. of referent size/shape, location, or motion). Spatial language, such as locative expressions, is a primary domain in which modality affects the Structure of representation. Locative expressions in both signed and spoken language are characterized by linguistic encoding of entities and the spatial relationship between them (cf. Talmy, 1985). However, sign language locative expressions differ radically from those in spoken language in affording a visual similarity (or iconicity) with the real-world scenes being represented. For example, a signed expression of the spatial relationship between a house and a bicycle is clearly iconic of the scene itself. In the example from American Sign Language (ASL) in Figure 1, the signer depicts a bicycle as being located beside a house by placing her hands (her left hand representing the house in still 2; her right hand representing the bicycle in still 4) next to each other in sign In general, spoken languages exhibit a wide range of cross- linguistic variation in the encoding of spatial relationships in locative expressions, both in the devices used and in their morphosyntactic arrangement (Grinevald, 2006; Levinson & Wilkins, 2006). For example, spoken language locative expressions exhibit the use of adpositions, like the spatial prepositions used in English or the case-marking postpositions used in Turkish, or different types of locative or postural verbs (as in Ewe (Ghana) or Tzeltal (Mexico)). Such variation is not expected in signed languages, however. Instead, signed languages are assumed to be structurally homogenous in the expression of spatial relationships. The affordances of the visual-spatial modality for iconic, analogue spatial representation are assumed to be the primary force in shaping spatial expression, thus creating fundamental similarities in spatial language across different sign languages (e.g. Aronoff, Meir, Padden & Sandler, 2003; Emmorey, 2002). A consequence of this assumption of similarity, rooted in the notion that signers will exploit the iconic affordances of the modality where possible, has been a dearth of empirical investigation in this domain. Where the encoding of spatial relationships is mentioned in the literature, its iconic character is stated as fact, and conforms to the underlying assumption that spatial relationships will be represented in an iconic, analogue way,
Pamela M Perniss - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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does Space Structure spatial language a comparison of spatial expression across sign languages
Language, 2015Co-Authors: Pamela M Perniss, I E P Zwitserlood, Asli OzyurekAbstract:The spatial affordances of the visual modality give rise to a high degree of similarity between sign languages in the spatial domain. This stands in contrast to the vast structural and semantic diversity in linguistic encoding of Space found in spoken languages. However, the possibility and nature of linguistic diversity in spatial encoding in sign languages has not been rigorously investigated by systematic crosslinguistic comparison. Here, we compare locative expression in two unrelated sign languages, Turkish Sign Language ( Turk Isaret Dili , TID) and German Sign Language ( Deutsche Gebardensprache , DGS), focusing on the expression of figure-ground (e.g. cup on table) and figure-figure (e.g. cup next to cup) relationships in a discourse context. In addition to similarities, we report qualitative and quantitative differences between the sign languages in the formal devices used (i.e. unimanual vs. bimanual; simultaneous vs. sequential) and in the degree of iconicity of the spatial devices. Our results suggest that sign languages may display more diversity in the spatial domain than has been previously assumed, and in a way more comparable with the diversity found in spoken languages. The study contributes to a more comprehensive understanding of how Space gets encoded in language.
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does Space Structure spatial language linguistic encoding of Space in sign languages
Cognitive Science, 2011Co-Authors: Pamela M Perniss, I E P Zwitserlood, Asli OzyurekAbstract:Does Space Structure Spatial Language? Linguistic Encoding of Space in Sign Languages Pamela Perniss (pamela.perniss@mpi.nl) Inge Zwitserlood (inge.zwitserlood@mpi.nl) Asli Ozyurek (asli.ozyurek@mpi.nl) Radboud University Nijmegen & Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics PO Box 310, 6500 AH Nijmegen, Netherlands Space. The spatial relationship between the signer’s hands represents the spatial relationship between the referents, whereby the handshapes are iconic with certain features of the referents (e.g. the inverted cupped hand to represent the bulk of a house). In contrast, there is no resemblance, or iconicity, between the actual scene and the linguistic form of a spoken language locative expression, as e.g. the English expression There is a bicycle next to the house. Abstract Spatial language in signed language is assumed to be shaped by affordances of the visual-spatial modality – where the use of the hands and Space allow the mapping of spatial relationships in an iconic, analogue way – and thus to be similar across sign languages. In this study, we test assumptions regarding the modality-driven similarity of spatial language by comparing locative expressions (e.g., cup is on the table) in two unrelated sign languages, TID (Turk Isaret Dili, Turkish Sign Language) and DGS (Deutsche Gebardensprache, German Sign Language) in a communicative, discourse context. Our results show that each sign language conventionalizes the Structure of locative expressions in different ways, going beyond iconic and analogue representations, suggesting that the use of Space to represent Space does not uniformly and predictably drive spatial language in the visual-spatial modality. These results are important for our understanding of how language modality shapes the Structure of language. HOUSE loc here BICYCLE loc next-to-house Figure 1. Example of an ASL (American Sign Language) locative expression depicting the spatial relationship of a bicycle next to a house (Emmorey, 2002). The expression contains the lexical signs for house (still 1) and bicycle (still 3), each followed by a locative predicate localizing the referent in Space. Keywords: iconicity; language modality; spatial language; locative expression; sign language Introduction Despite the difference in modality of expression, signed (visual-spatial) and spoken (vocal-aural) languages similarly conform to principles of grammatical Structure and linguistic form (Klima & Bellugi, 1979; Liddell, 1980; Padden, 1983; Stokoe, 1960; Supalla, 1986). However, in signed language, the use of the hands as primary articulators within a visible spatial medium for expression (i.e. the Space around the body) has special consequences for the expression of visual-spatial information (e.g. of referent size/shape, location, or motion). Spatial language, such as locative expressions, is a primary domain in which modality affects the Structure of representation. Locative expressions in both signed and spoken language are characterized by linguistic encoding of entities and the spatial relationship between them (cf. Talmy, 1985). However, sign language locative expressions differ radically from those in spoken language in affording a visual similarity (or iconicity) with the real-world scenes being represented. For example, a signed expression of the spatial relationship between a house and a bicycle is clearly iconic of the scene itself. In the example from American Sign Language (ASL) in Figure 1, the signer depicts a bicycle as being located beside a house by placing her hands (her left hand representing the house in still 2; her right hand representing the bicycle in still 4) next to each other in sign In general, spoken languages exhibit a wide range of cross- linguistic variation in the encoding of spatial relationships in locative expressions, both in the devices used and in their morphosyntactic arrangement (Grinevald, 2006; Levinson & Wilkins, 2006). For example, spoken language locative expressions exhibit the use of adpositions, like the spatial prepositions used in English or the case-marking postpositions used in Turkish, or different types of locative or postural verbs (as in Ewe (Ghana) or Tzeltal (Mexico)). Such variation is not expected in signed languages, however. Instead, signed languages are assumed to be structurally homogenous in the expression of spatial relationships. The affordances of the visual-spatial modality for iconic, analogue spatial representation are assumed to be the primary force in shaping spatial expression, thus creating fundamental similarities in spatial language across different sign languages (e.g. Aronoff, Meir, Padden & Sandler, 2003; Emmorey, 2002). A consequence of this assumption of similarity, rooted in the notion that signers will exploit the iconic affordances of the modality where possible, has been a dearth of empirical investigation in this domain. Where the encoding of spatial relationships is mentioned in the literature, its iconic character is stated as fact, and conforms to the underlying assumption that spatial relationships will be represented in an iconic, analogue way,
Julio F Navarro - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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phase Space Structure in the local dark matter distribution and its signature in direct detection experiments
arXiv: Astrophysics, 2008Co-Authors: Mark Vogelsberger, Amina Helmi, Volker Springel, Simon D M White, Jie Wang, Carlos S Frenk, Adrian Jenkins, Aaron D Ludlow, Julio F NavarroAbstract:We study predictions for dark matter phase-Space Structure near the Sun based on high-resolution simulations of six galaxy halos taken from the Aquarius Project. The local DM density distribution is predicted to be remarkably smooth; the density at the Sun differs from the mean over a best-fit ellipsoidal equidensity contour by less than 15% at the 99.9% confidence level. The local velocity distribution is also very smooth, but it differs systematically from a (multivariate) Gaussian distribution. This is not due to the presence of individual clumps or streams, but to broad features in the velocity modulus and energy distributions that are stable both in Space and time and reflect the detailed assembly history of each halo. These features have a significant impact on the signals predicted for WIMP and axion searches. For example, WIMP recoil rates can deviate by ~10% from those expected from the best-fit multivariate Gaussian models. The axion spectra in our simulations typically peak at lower frequencies than in the case of multivariate Gaussian velocity distributions. Also in this case, the spectra show significant imprints of the formation of the halo. This implies that once direct DM detection has become routine, features in the detector signal will allow us to study the dark matter assembly history of the Milky Way. A new field, "dark matter astronomy", will then emerge.
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phase Space Structure in the local dark matter distribution and its signature in direct detection experiments
Nature, 2008Co-Authors: Mark Vogelsberger, Amina Helmi, Volker Springel, Simon D M White, Jie Wang, Carlos S Frenk, Adrian Jenkins, Aaron D Ludlow, Julio F NavarroAbstract:We study predictions for dark matter phase-Space Structure near the Sun based on high-resolution simulations of six galaxy halos taken from the Aquarius Project. The local DM density distribution is predicted to be remarkably smooth; the density at the Sun differs from the mean over a best-fit ellipsoidal equidensity contour by less than 15% at the 99.9% confidence level. The local velocity distribution is also very smooth, but it differs systematically from a (multivariate) Gaussian distribution. This is not due to the presence of individual clumps or streams, but to broad features in the velocity modulus and energy distributions that are stable both in Space and time and reflect the detailed assembly history of each halo. These features have a significant impact on the signals predicted for WIMP and axion searches. For example, WIMP recoil rates can deviate by ~10% from those expected from the best-fit multivariate Gaussian models. The axion spectra in our simulations typically peak at lower frequencies than in the case of multivariate Gaussian velocity distributions. Also in this case, the spectra show significant imprints of the formation of the halo. This implies that once direct DM detection has become routine, features in the detector signal will allow us to study the dark matter assembly history of the Milky Way. A new field, "dark matter
Taruya Atsushi - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Phase-Space Structure of cold dark matter haloes inside splashback: multistream flows and self-similar solution
'Oxford University Press (OUP)', 2020Co-Authors: Sugiura Hiromu, Nishimichi Takahiro, Rasera Yann, Taruya AtsushiAbstract:International audienceUsing the motion of accreting particles on to haloes in cosmological N-body simulations, we study the radial phase-Space Structures of cold dark matter (CDM) haloes. In CDM cosmology, formation of virialized haloes generically produces radial caustics, followed by multistream flows of accreted dark matter inside the haloes. In particular, the radius of the outermost caustic called the splashback radius exhibits a sharp drop in the slope of the density profile. Here, we focus on the multistream Structure of CDM haloes inside the splashback radius. To analyse this, we use and extend the SPARTA algorithm developed by Diemer. By tracking the particle trajectories accreting on to the haloes, we count their number of apocentre passages, which is then used to reveal the multistream flows of the dark matter particles. The resultant multistream Structure in radial phase Space is compared with the prediction of the self-similar solution by Fillmore & Goldreich for each halo. We find that |$\sim \!30{{\ \rm per\ cent}}$| of the simulated haloes satisfy our criteria to be regarded as being well fitted to the self-similar solution. The fitting parameters in the self-similar solution characterize physical properties of the haloes, including the mass accretion rate and the size of the outermost caustic (i.e. the splashback radius). We discuss in detail the correlation of these fitting parameters and other measures directly extracted from the N-body simulation
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Phase-Space Structure of cold dark matter halos inside splashback: multi-stream flows and self-similar solution
'Oxford University Press (OUP)', 2020Co-Authors: Sugiura Hiromu, Nishimichi Takahiro, Rasera Yann, Taruya AtsushiAbstract:Using the motion of accreting particles onto halos in cosmological $N$-body simulations, we study the radial phase-Space Structures of cold dark matter (CDM) halos. In CDM cosmology, formation of virialized halos generically produces radial caustics, followed by multi-stream flows of accreted dark matter inside the halos. In particular, the radius of the outermost caustic called the splashback radius exhibits a sharp drop in the slope of the density profile. Here, we focus on the multi-stream Structure of CDM halos inside the splashback radius. To analyze this, we use and extend the SPARTA algorithm developed by Diemer. By tracking the particle trajectories accreting onto the halos, we count their number of apocenter passages, which is then used to reveal the multi-stream flows of the dark matter particles. The resultant multi-stream Structure in radial phase Space is compared with the prediction of the self-similar solution by Fillmore & Goldreich for each halo. We find that $\sim30\%$ of the simulated halos satisfy our criteria to be regarded as being well fitted to the self-similar solution. The fitting parameters in the self-similar solution characterizes physical properties of the halos, including the mass accretion rate and the size of the outermost caustic (i.e., the splashback radius). We discuss in detail the correlation of these fitting parameters and other measures directly extracted from the $N$-body simulation.Comment: 18 pages, 14 figures, accepted for publication in MNRA
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Phase-Space Structure of cold dark matter halos inside splashback: multi-stream flows and self-similar solution
HAL CCSD, 2019Co-Authors: Sugiura Hiromu, Nishimichi Takahiro, Rasera Yann, Taruya AtsushiAbstract:Using the motion of accreting particles onto halos in cosmological $N$-body simulations, we study the radial phase-Space Structures of cold dark matter (CDM) halos. In CDM cosmology, formation of virialized halos generically produces radial caustics, followed by multi-stream flows of accreted dark matter inside the halos, which are clues to discriminate from non-standard dark matter models. In particular, the radius of the outermost caustic called the splashback radius exhibits a sharp drop in the slope of the density profile, and is recognized with great interest as a physical boundary of CDM halos in both theory and observation. Here, we focus on the multi-stream Structure of CDM halos inside the splashback radius. To analyze this, we created an algorithm based on the SPARTA algorithm developed by Diemer (2017), and by tracking the particle trajectories accreting onto the halos, we count their number of apocenter passages, which is then used to reveal the multi-stream flows of the dark matter particles. The resultant multi-stream Structure in radial phase Space is then compared with the prediction of the self-similar solution by Fillmore & Goldreich (1984) for each halo. We find that $\sim30\%$ of the simulated halos satisfy our criteria to be regarded as being well fitted to the self-similar solution. The fitting parameters in the self-similar solution characterizes physical properties of the halos, including the mass accretion rate and the size of the outermost caustic (i.e., the splashback radius). We discuss in detail the correlation of these fitting parameters and other measures directly extracted from the $N$-body simulation
I E P Zwitserlood - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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does Space Structure spatial language a comparison of spatial expression across sign languages
Language, 2015Co-Authors: Pamela M Perniss, I E P Zwitserlood, Asli OzyurekAbstract:The spatial affordances of the visual modality give rise to a high degree of similarity between sign languages in the spatial domain. This stands in contrast to the vast structural and semantic diversity in linguistic encoding of Space found in spoken languages. However, the possibility and nature of linguistic diversity in spatial encoding in sign languages has not been rigorously investigated by systematic crosslinguistic comparison. Here, we compare locative expression in two unrelated sign languages, Turkish Sign Language ( Turk Isaret Dili , TID) and German Sign Language ( Deutsche Gebardensprache , DGS), focusing on the expression of figure-ground (e.g. cup on table) and figure-figure (e.g. cup next to cup) relationships in a discourse context. In addition to similarities, we report qualitative and quantitative differences between the sign languages in the formal devices used (i.e. unimanual vs. bimanual; simultaneous vs. sequential) and in the degree of iconicity of the spatial devices. Our results suggest that sign languages may display more diversity in the spatial domain than has been previously assumed, and in a way more comparable with the diversity found in spoken languages. The study contributes to a more comprehensive understanding of how Space gets encoded in language.
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does Space Structure spatial language linguistic encoding of Space in sign languages
Cognitive Science, 2011Co-Authors: Pamela M Perniss, I E P Zwitserlood, Asli OzyurekAbstract:Does Space Structure Spatial Language? Linguistic Encoding of Space in Sign Languages Pamela Perniss (pamela.perniss@mpi.nl) Inge Zwitserlood (inge.zwitserlood@mpi.nl) Asli Ozyurek (asli.ozyurek@mpi.nl) Radboud University Nijmegen & Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics PO Box 310, 6500 AH Nijmegen, Netherlands Space. The spatial relationship between the signer’s hands represents the spatial relationship between the referents, whereby the handshapes are iconic with certain features of the referents (e.g. the inverted cupped hand to represent the bulk of a house). In contrast, there is no resemblance, or iconicity, between the actual scene and the linguistic form of a spoken language locative expression, as e.g. the English expression There is a bicycle next to the house. Abstract Spatial language in signed language is assumed to be shaped by affordances of the visual-spatial modality – where the use of the hands and Space allow the mapping of spatial relationships in an iconic, analogue way – and thus to be similar across sign languages. In this study, we test assumptions regarding the modality-driven similarity of spatial language by comparing locative expressions (e.g., cup is on the table) in two unrelated sign languages, TID (Turk Isaret Dili, Turkish Sign Language) and DGS (Deutsche Gebardensprache, German Sign Language) in a communicative, discourse context. Our results show that each sign language conventionalizes the Structure of locative expressions in different ways, going beyond iconic and analogue representations, suggesting that the use of Space to represent Space does not uniformly and predictably drive spatial language in the visual-spatial modality. These results are important for our understanding of how language modality shapes the Structure of language. HOUSE loc here BICYCLE loc next-to-house Figure 1. Example of an ASL (American Sign Language) locative expression depicting the spatial relationship of a bicycle next to a house (Emmorey, 2002). The expression contains the lexical signs for house (still 1) and bicycle (still 3), each followed by a locative predicate localizing the referent in Space. Keywords: iconicity; language modality; spatial language; locative expression; sign language Introduction Despite the difference in modality of expression, signed (visual-spatial) and spoken (vocal-aural) languages similarly conform to principles of grammatical Structure and linguistic form (Klima & Bellugi, 1979; Liddell, 1980; Padden, 1983; Stokoe, 1960; Supalla, 1986). However, in signed language, the use of the hands as primary articulators within a visible spatial medium for expression (i.e. the Space around the body) has special consequences for the expression of visual-spatial information (e.g. of referent size/shape, location, or motion). Spatial language, such as locative expressions, is a primary domain in which modality affects the Structure of representation. Locative expressions in both signed and spoken language are characterized by linguistic encoding of entities and the spatial relationship between them (cf. Talmy, 1985). However, sign language locative expressions differ radically from those in spoken language in affording a visual similarity (or iconicity) with the real-world scenes being represented. For example, a signed expression of the spatial relationship between a house and a bicycle is clearly iconic of the scene itself. In the example from American Sign Language (ASL) in Figure 1, the signer depicts a bicycle as being located beside a house by placing her hands (her left hand representing the house in still 2; her right hand representing the bicycle in still 4) next to each other in sign In general, spoken languages exhibit a wide range of cross- linguistic variation in the encoding of spatial relationships in locative expressions, both in the devices used and in their morphosyntactic arrangement (Grinevald, 2006; Levinson & Wilkins, 2006). For example, spoken language locative expressions exhibit the use of adpositions, like the spatial prepositions used in English or the case-marking postpositions used in Turkish, or different types of locative or postural verbs (as in Ewe (Ghana) or Tzeltal (Mexico)). Such variation is not expected in signed languages, however. Instead, signed languages are assumed to be structurally homogenous in the expression of spatial relationships. The affordances of the visual-spatial modality for iconic, analogue spatial representation are assumed to be the primary force in shaping spatial expression, thus creating fundamental similarities in spatial language across different sign languages (e.g. Aronoff, Meir, Padden & Sandler, 2003; Emmorey, 2002). A consequence of this assumption of similarity, rooted in the notion that signers will exploit the iconic affordances of the modality where possible, has been a dearth of empirical investigation in this domain. Where the encoding of spatial relationships is mentioned in the literature, its iconic character is stated as fact, and conforms to the underlying assumption that spatial relationships will be represented in an iconic, analogue way,
