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Pliez Victorien - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Déclin et résilience de l'industrie textile rhônalpine, des années 1950 à nos jours
2021Co-Authors: Pliez VictorienAbstract:The Rhône-Alpes textile industry is historically characterized by a network of small and medium-sized enterprises in peri-urban and rural areas highly specialized in the various stages of production: throwing, weaving and finishing. This structure is inherited from the former lyonese silk Fabrique and still remains largely in place after World War II. The arrival of artificial textiles in the 1920s and 1930s marks the start of a Structural and organizational modernization in these businesses. The regional industry is supported by the powerful regional chemical complex (Comptoir des Textiles Artificiels, Rhodiaceta) which is the main supplier of yarn. The generalization of synthetic textiles in the 1950s leads to an industrial concentration movment. Independent workshops and very small businesses are being forced to close in the face of significant productivity gains and intensified international competition by the opening of the European community's trade borders. Intermediate companies manage to emerge as the main regional players in the sector, without reaching the size observed in the cotton and wool complexes of the North and East. In the middle, medium-sized enterprises manage to maintain their activity by material modernization and the establishment of common structures with other business partners. This productivist movement is however stopped by the Structural Crisis of 1973. The sector is threatened upstream with the withdrawal of the historic supplier Rhône-Poulenc from the spinning industry and downstream with the boom in of low-cost finished products imports from developing countries. This Crisis causes the end of an industrial model by pushing major regional businesses into bankruptcy or into exceptional cutbacks. A new generation of companies however manage to emerge from this model in Crisis. Smaller and more flexible, they maintain their activity by distinguishing themselves through their responsiveness, the occupation of niche markets or the implementation of high added-value productions. New small groups thus flourishes during the 1980s and 1990s in just-in-time clothing textiles and technical textiles. The Rhône-Alpes textile industry is thus evolving from a labor-intensive industry to a capital industry, with very high productivity at the cost of a considerable reduction in the number of jobs. This transition accelerates since the 2000s with the emergence of a second wave of international competition, mainly embodied by China.L’industrie textile rhônalpine est historiquement caractérisée par un réseau de petites et moyennes entreprises en zone périurbaine et rurale hautement spécialisées dans les différentes étapes de la production : moulinage, tissage et ennoblissement. Cette structure est héritée de l’ancienne Fabrique de soieries lyonnaise et demeure encore largement en place après la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Le développement considérable des textiles artificiels dans les années 1920-1930 amorce un début de modernisation structurelle et organisationnelle dans ces affaires. L’industrie locale est appuyée par le puissant complexe chimique régional (Comptoir des textiles artificiels, Rhodiaceta) qui constitue le principal fournisseur de fil. La généralisation des textiles synthétiques dans les années 1950 entraîne un mouvement de concentration. Les ateliers indépendants et très petites affaires sont poussés à la fermeture face à des gains importants de productivité et à une concurrence internationale intensifiée par l’ouverture des frontières commerciales de la communauté européenne. Des entreprises intermédiaires parviennent à émerger comme principaux acteurs régionaux de la filière, sans atteindre la taille observée dans les complexes cotonniers et lainiers du Nord et de l’Est. Au milieu, les entreprises moyennes parviennent à maintenir leur activité par la modernisation matérielle et la mise en place de structures communes avec d’autres partenaires commerciaux. Ce mouvement productiviste est cependant stoppé par la crise structurelle de 1973. La filière est menacée en amont avec le retrait du fournisseur historique Rhône-Poulenc de la filature et en aval avec l’essor des importations de produits finis à bas coût en provenance des pays en voie de développement. Cette crise provoque la fin d’un modèle industriel en poussant les grandes affaires régionales à la faillite ou à des compressions exceptionnelles. Une nouvelle génération d’entreprises parvient cependant à émerger de ce modèle en crise. Plus petites, plus flexibles, elles maintiennent leur activité en se distinguant par leur réactivité, l’occupation de marchés de niches ou la mise en place de productions à forte valeur ajoutée. De nouveaux petits groupes prospèrent ainsi durant les années 1980-1990 dans le textile d’habillement en flux tendu et dans les textiles techniques. Le textile rhônalpin évolue ainsi d’une industrie de main-d’œuvre à une industrie de capitaux, à très forte productivité au prix d’une réduction considérablement du nombre d’emplois. Cette transition s’accélère depuis les années 2000 avec l’émergence d’une seconde vague de concurrence internationale, principalement incarnée par la Chine
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Decline and resilience of the Rhône-Alpes textile industry. : from the 1950s to the present day.
2021Co-Authors: Pliez VictorienAbstract:L’industrie textile rhônalpine est historiquement caractérisée par un réseau de petites et moyennes entreprises en zone périurbaine et rurale hautement spécialisées dans les différentes étapes de la production : moulinage, tissage et ennoblissement. Cette structure est héritée de l’ancienne Fabrique de soieries lyonnaise et demeure encore largement en place après la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Le développement considérable des textiles artificiels dans les années 1920-1930 amorce un début de modernisation structurelle et organisationnelle dans ces affaires. L’industrie régionale est appuyée par le puissant complexe chimique régional (Comptoir des textiles artificiels, Rhodiaceta) qui constitue le principal fournisseur de fil. La généralisation des textiles synthétiques dans les années 1950 entraîne un mouvement de concentration. Les ateliers indépendants et très petites affaires sont poussés à la fermeture face à des gains importants de productivité et à une concurrence internationale intensifiée par l’ouverture des frontières commerciales de la communauté européenne. Des entreprises intermédiaires parviennent à émerger comme principaux acteurs régionaux de la filière, sans atteindre la taille observée dans les complexes cotonniers et lainiers du Nord et de l’Est. Au milieu, les entreprises moyennes parviennent à maintenir leur activité par la modernisation matérielle et la mise en place de structures communes avec d’autres partenaires commerciaux. Ce mouvement productiviste est cependant stoppé par la crise structurelle de 1973. La filière est menacée en amont avec le retrait du fournisseur historique Rhône-Poulenc de la filature et en aval avec l’essor des importations de produits finis à bas coût en provenance des pays en voie de développement. Cette crise provoque la fin d’un modèle industriel en poussant les grandes affaires régionales à la faillite ou à des compressions exceptionnelles. Une nouvelle génération d’entreprises parvient cependant à émerger de ce modèle en crise. Plus petites, plus flexibles, elles maintiennent leur activité en se distinguant par leur réactivité, l’occupation de marchés de niches ou la mise en place de productions à forte valeur ajoutée. De nouveaux petits groupes prospèrent ainsi durant les années 1980-1990 dans le textile d’habillement en flux tendu et dans les textiles techniques. Le textile rhônalpin évolue ainsi d’une industrie de main-d’œuvre à une industrie de capitaux, à très forte productivité au prix d’une réduction considérablement du nombre d’emplois. Cette transition s’accélère depuis les années 2000 avec l’émergence d’une seconde vague de concurrence internationale, principalement incarnée par la Chine.The Rhône-Alpes textile industry is historically characterized by a network of small and medium-sized enterprises in peri-urban and rural areas highly specialized in the various stages of production: throwing, weaving and finishing. This structure is inherited from the former lyonese silk Fabrique and still remains largely in place after World War II. The strong development of artificial textiles in the 1920s and 1930s marks the start of a Structural and organizational modernization in these businesses. The regional industry is supported by the powerful regional chemical complex (Comptoir des Textiles Artificiels, Rhodiaceta) which is the main supplier of yarn. The generalization of synthetic textiles in the 1950s leads to an industrial concentration movment. Independent workshops and very small businesses are being forced to close in the face of significant productivity gains and intensified international competition by the opening of the European community's trade borders. Intermediate companies manage to emerge as the main regional players in the sector, without reaching the size observed in the cotton and wool complexes of the North and East. In the middle, medium-sized enterprises manage to maintain their activity by material modernization and the establishment of common structures with other business partners. This productivist movement is however stopped by the Structural Crisis of 1973. The sector is threatened upstream with the withdrawal of the historic supplier Rhône-Poulenc from the spinning industry and downstream with the boom in of low-cost finished products imports from developing countries. This Crisis causes the end of an industrial model by pushing major regional businesses into bankruptcy or into exceptional cutbacks. A new generation of companies however manage to emerge from this model in Crisis. Smaller and more flexible, they maintain their activity by distinguishing themselves through their responsiveness, the occupation of niche markets or the implementation of high added-value productions. New small groups thus flourishes during the 1980s and 1990s in just-in-time clothing textiles and technical textiles. The Rhône-Alpes textile industry is thus evolving from a labor-intensive industry to a capital industry, with very high productivity at the cost of a considerable reduction in the number of jobs. This transition accelerates since the 2000s with the emergence of a second wave of international competition, mainly embodied by China
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Déclin et résilience de l'industrie textile rhônalpine. : Des années 1950 à nos jours.
2021Co-Authors: Pliez VictorienAbstract:The Rhône-Alpes textile industry is historically characterized by a network of small and medium-sized enterprises in peri-urban and rural areas highly specialized in the various stages of production: throwing, weaving and finishing. This structure is inherited from the former lyonese silk Fabrique and still remains largely in place after World War II. The strong development of artificial textiles in the 1920s and 1930s marks the start of a Structural and organizational modernization in these businesses. The regional industry is supported by the powerful regional chemical complex (Comptoir des Textiles Artificiels, Rhodiaceta) which is the main supplier of yarn. The generalization of synthetic textiles in the 1950s leads to an industrial concentration movment. Independent workshops and very small businesses are being forced to close in the face of significant productivity gains and intensified international competition by the opening of the European community's trade borders. Intermediate companies manage to emerge as the main regional players in the sector, without reaching the size observed in the cotton and wool complexes of the North and East. In the middle, medium-sized enterprises manage to maintain their activity by material modernization and the establishment of common structures with other business partners. This productivist movement is however stopped by the Structural Crisis of 1973. The sector is threatened upstream with the withdrawal of the historic supplier Rhône-Poulenc from the spinning industry and downstream with the boom in of low-cost finished products imports from developing countries. This Crisis causes the end of an industrial model by pushing major regional businesses into bankruptcy or into exceptional cutbacks. A new generation of companies however manage to emerge from this model in Crisis. Smaller and more flexible, they maintain their activity by distinguishing themselves through their responsiveness, the occupation of niche markets or the implementation of high added-value productions. New small groups thus flourishes during the 1980s and 1990s in just-in-time clothing textiles and technical textiles. The Rhône-Alpes textile industry is thus evolving from a labor-intensive industry to a capital industry, with very high productivity at the cost of a considerable reduction in the number of jobs. This transition accelerates since the 2000s with the emergence of a second wave of international competition, mainly embodied by China.L’industrie textile rhônalpine est historiquement caractérisée par un réseau de petites et moyennes entreprises en zone périurbaine et rurale hautement spécialisées dans les différentes étapes de la production : moulinage, tissage et ennoblissement. Cette structure est héritée de l’ancienne Fabrique de soieries lyonnaise et demeure encore largement en place après la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Le développement considérable des textiles artificiels dans les années 1920-1930 amorce un début de modernisation structurelle et organisationnelle dans ces affaires. L’industrie régionale est appuyée par le puissant complexe chimique régional (Comptoir des textiles artificiels, Rhodiaceta) qui constitue le principal fournisseur de fil. La généralisation des textiles synthétiques dans les années 1950 entraîne un mouvement de concentration. Les ateliers indépendants et très petites affaires sont poussés à la fermeture face à des gains importants de productivité et à une concurrence internationale intensifiée par l’ouverture des frontières commerciales de la communauté européenne. Des entreprises intermédiaires parviennent à émerger comme principaux acteurs régionaux de la filière, sans atteindre la taille observée dans les complexes cotonniers et lainiers du Nord et de l’Est. Au milieu, les entreprises moyennes parviennent à maintenir leur activité par la modernisation matérielle et la mise en place de structures communes avec d’autres partenaires commerciaux. Ce mouvement productiviste est cependant stoppé par la crise structurelle de 1973. La filière est menacée en amont avec le retrait du fournisseur historique Rhône-Poulenc de la filature et en aval avec l’essor des importations de produits finis à bas coût en provenance des pays en voie de développement. Cette crise provoque la fin d’un modèle industriel en poussant les grandes affaires régionales à la faillite ou à des compressions exceptionnelles. Une nouvelle génération d’entreprises parvient cependant à émerger de ce modèle en crise. Plus petites, plus flexibles, elles maintiennent leur activité en se distinguant par leur réactivité, l’occupation de marchés de niches ou la mise en place de productions à forte valeur ajoutée. De nouveaux petits groupes prospèrent ainsi durant les années 1980-1990 dans le textile d’habillement en flux tendu et dans les textiles techniques. Le textile rhônalpin évolue ainsi d’une industrie de main-d’œuvre à une industrie de capitaux, à très forte productivité au prix d’une réduction considérablement du nombre d’emplois. Cette transition s’accélère depuis les années 2000 avec l’émergence d’une seconde vague de concurrence internationale, principalement incarnée par la Chine
Ramaa Vasudevan - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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technology distribution and the rate of profit in the us economy understanding the current Crisis
2013Co-Authors: Deepankar Basu, Ramaa VasudevanAbstract:This paper offers a synoptic account of the state of the debate within Marxist scholars regarding the current Structural Crisis of capitalism, identifies two broad streams within the literature dealing, in turn, with aggregate demand and profitability problems, and proceeds to concentrate on an analysis of issues surrounding the profitability problem in two steps. First, evidence on profitability trends for the Nonfarm Nonfinancial Corporate Business, the Nonfinancial Corporate Business and the Corporate Business sectors in post-War U.S. are summarized. A broad range of profit rate measures are covered and data from both the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis (NIPA and Fixed Asset Tables) and the Federal Reserve (Flow of Funds Account) are used. Second, the underlying drivers of profitability, in terms of technology and distribution, are investigated. The profitability analysis is used to offer some hypotheses about the current Structural Crisis. JEL Categories: B51, E11
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technology distribution and the rate of profit in the us economy understanding the current Crisis
2013Co-Authors: Deepankar Basu, Ramaa VasudevanAbstract:This paper offers a synoptic account of the state of the debate among Marxist scholars regarding the current Structural Crisis of capitalism, identifies two broad streams within the literature dealing, in turn, with aggregate demand and profitability problems, and proceeds to concentrate on an analysis of issues surrounding the profitability problem in two steps. First, evidence on profitability trends for the non-farm non-financial corporate business, the non-financial corporate business and the corporate business sectors in post-war USA are summarised. A broad range of profit rate measures are covered and data from both the US Bureau of Economic Analysis (NIPA and Fixed Assets Tables) and the Federal Reserve (Flow of Funds Account) are used. Second, the underlying drivers of profitability, in terms of technology and distribution, are investigated. The profitability analysis is used to offer some hypotheses about the current Structural Crisis. Copyright , Oxford University Press.
Deepankar Basu - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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technology distribution and the rate of profit in the us economy understanding the current Crisis
2013Co-Authors: Deepankar Basu, Ramaa VasudevanAbstract:This paper offers a synoptic account of the state of the debate within Marxist scholars regarding the current Structural Crisis of capitalism, identifies two broad streams within the literature dealing, in turn, with aggregate demand and profitability problems, and proceeds to concentrate on an analysis of issues surrounding the profitability problem in two steps. First, evidence on profitability trends for the Nonfarm Nonfinancial Corporate Business, the Nonfinancial Corporate Business and the Corporate Business sectors in post-War U.S. are summarized. A broad range of profit rate measures are covered and data from both the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis (NIPA and Fixed Asset Tables) and the Federal Reserve (Flow of Funds Account) are used. Second, the underlying drivers of profitability, in terms of technology and distribution, are investigated. The profitability analysis is used to offer some hypotheses about the current Structural Crisis. JEL Categories: B51, E11
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technology distribution and the rate of profit in the us economy understanding the current Crisis
2013Co-Authors: Deepankar Basu, Ramaa VasudevanAbstract:This paper offers a synoptic account of the state of the debate among Marxist scholars regarding the current Structural Crisis of capitalism, identifies two broad streams within the literature dealing, in turn, with aggregate demand and profitability problems, and proceeds to concentrate on an analysis of issues surrounding the profitability problem in two steps. First, evidence on profitability trends for the non-farm non-financial corporate business, the non-financial corporate business and the corporate business sectors in post-war USA are summarised. A broad range of profit rate measures are covered and data from both the US Bureau of Economic Analysis (NIPA and Fixed Assets Tables) and the Federal Reserve (Flow of Funds Account) are used. Second, the underlying drivers of profitability, in terms of technology and distribution, are investigated. The profitability analysis is used to offer some hypotheses about the current Structural Crisis. Copyright , Oxford University Press.
Gael Curty - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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capitalism Structural Crisis and contemporary social movements an interview with immanuel wallerstein
2017Co-Authors: Gael CurtyAbstract:Immanuel Wallerstein is internationally recognized as the founder of world-systems analysis and is highly regarded for his groundbreaking analysis of the capitalist world-economy. In this excerpted...
John Bellamy Foster - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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education and the Structural Crisis of capital the u s case
2011Co-Authors: John Bellamy FosterAbstract:Today’s conservative movement for the reform of public education in the United States, and in much of the world, is based on the prevailing view that public education is in a state of emergency and in need of restructuring due to its own internal failures. In contrast, I shall argue that the decay of public education is mainly a product of externally imposed contradictions that are inherent to schooling in capitalist society, heightened in our time by conditions of economic stagnation in the mature capitalist economies, and by the effects of the conservative reform movement itself. The corporate-driven onslaught on students, teachers, and public schools—symbolized in the United States by George W. Bush’s No Child Left Behind (NCLB) legislation—is to be explained not so much by the failure of the schools themselves, but by the growing failures of the capitalist system, which now sees the privatization of public education as central to addressing its larger malaise.This article can also be found at the Monthly Review website, where most recent articles are published in full.Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the Monthly Review website.
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the Structural Crisis of capital
2010Co-Authors: Istvan Meszaros, John Bellamy FosterAbstract:In this collection of trenchant essays and interviews, Istvan Meszaros, the world s preeminent Marxist philosopher and winner of the 2008 Libertador Award for Critical Thought (the Bolivar Prize), lays bare the exploitative structure of modern capitalism. He argues with great power that the world s economies are on a social and ecological precipice, and that unless we take decisive action to radically transform our societies we will find ourselves thrust headfirst into barbarism and environmental catastrophe.Meszaros, however, is no pessimist. He believes that the multiple crises of world capitalism will encourage the working class to demand center stage in the construction of a new system of production and distribution designed to meet human needs rather than serve the relentless pursuit of profit a struggle which is already underway in places such as Venezuela. As John Bellamy Foster says in the foreword to this indispensable book, Today the Structural Crisis of capital provides the historical setting for a new revolutionary movement for social emancipation in which developments normally taking centuries would flit by like phantoms in decades or even years. But the force for such necessary, vital change, remains with the people themselves, and rests on humanity s willingness to constitute itself as both subject and object of history, through the collective struggle to create a just and sustainable world. This, Meszaros insists, constitutes the unprecedented challenge and burden of "our" historical time. "
