The Experts below are selected from a list of 109608 Experts worldwide ranked by ideXlab platform
Kenneth S H Chok - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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prevention and management of biliary anastomotic stricture in right lobe living donor liver transplantation
Journal of Gastroenterology and Hepatology, 2014Co-Authors: Kenneth S H ChokAbstract:Biliary strictures can be categorized according to Technical Factor as anastomotic or nonanastomotic strictures. Biliary anastomotic stricture is a common complication after living-donor liver transplantation, occasionally causing deaths. The two most commonly used methods for biliary anastomosis are duct-to-duct anastomosis and hepaticojejunostomy. Before presenting a description of the latest techniques of duct-to-duct anastomosis and hepaticojejunostomy, this review first relates the technique of donor right hepatectomy, as most biliary complications suffered by recipients of living-donor liver transplantation originate from donor operations. Three possible causes of biliary anastomotic stricture, namely impaired blood supply, biliary anomaly, and Technical flaw, are then discussed. Lastly, the review focuses on the latest management of biliary anastomotic stricture. Treatment modalities include endoscopic retrograde cholangiography with dilatation, percutaneous transhepatic biliary drainage with dilatation, conversion of duct-to-duct anastomosis to hepaticojejunostomy, and revision hepaticojejunostomy. End-to-side versus side-to-side hepaticojejunostomy is also discussed.
Piotr Uchronski - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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managing the process of passenger security control at an airport using the fuzzy inference system
Expert Systems With Applications, 2016Co-Authors: Jacek Skorupski, Piotr UchronskiAbstract:A model for assessment of passenger security control efficiency was created.Human Factor and the Technical Factor were taken into account collectively.Hierarchical fuzzy inference system was used and implemented.Passenger security control efficiency was determined in real conditions.Method and software for airport management support was developed. Elements of air transport infrastructure as well as passengers and aircraft are constantly at risk of terrorist attack. One of the most important preventative methods is the security control of persons and baggage at airports. Managing this process requires finding a compromise between high capacity of the terminal and the high effectiveness of the security control. The purpose of this study is to show the applicability of an expert system, which assists security managers in deciding how to organise the security screening process. Due to the important role of the human Factor, the need to use expert's opinions and the high uncertainty and imprecise nature of information, the developed model and computer tool FUPSCA (FUzzy Passenger Security Control Assessment) uses the fuzzy sets theory and a fuzzy inference system. It's use allows us to adjust the operating parameters of the security screening checkpoint, namely the WTMD sensitivity, number of employees and the frequency of manual controls, to the current level of terrorist threat. As a result of the study it was found that if we want to achieve higher security control effectiveness we should first increase the WTMD's sensitivity and only then increase the frequency of additional manual controls and not the other way round. Of course the FUPSCA system provides specific, quantitative answers. In the future it will be necessary to manage the operation of the passenger security control system using multi-criteria evaluations of: capacity, effectiveness, passenger comfort. FUPSCA will be able to effectively support this process.
Jacek Skorupski - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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managing the process of passenger security control at an airport using the fuzzy inference system
Expert Systems With Applications, 2016Co-Authors: Jacek Skorupski, Piotr UchronskiAbstract:A model for assessment of passenger security control efficiency was created.Human Factor and the Technical Factor were taken into account collectively.Hierarchical fuzzy inference system was used and implemented.Passenger security control efficiency was determined in real conditions.Method and software for airport management support was developed. Elements of air transport infrastructure as well as passengers and aircraft are constantly at risk of terrorist attack. One of the most important preventative methods is the security control of persons and baggage at airports. Managing this process requires finding a compromise between high capacity of the terminal and the high effectiveness of the security control. The purpose of this study is to show the applicability of an expert system, which assists security managers in deciding how to organise the security screening process. Due to the important role of the human Factor, the need to use expert's opinions and the high uncertainty and imprecise nature of information, the developed model and computer tool FUPSCA (FUzzy Passenger Security Control Assessment) uses the fuzzy sets theory and a fuzzy inference system. It's use allows us to adjust the operating parameters of the security screening checkpoint, namely the WTMD sensitivity, number of employees and the frequency of manual controls, to the current level of terrorist threat. As a result of the study it was found that if we want to achieve higher security control effectiveness we should first increase the WTMD's sensitivity and only then increase the frequency of additional manual controls and not the other way round. Of course the FUPSCA system provides specific, quantitative answers. In the future it will be necessary to manage the operation of the passenger security control system using multi-criteria evaluations of: capacity, effectiveness, passenger comfort. FUPSCA will be able to effectively support this process.
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Fuzzy inference system for the efficiency assessment of hold baggage security control at the airport
Safety Science, 2015Co-Authors: Jacek Skorupski, Piotr UchrońskiAbstract:One of the Factors determining the aviation safety and security is the baggage security control system. It constitutes protection against placing objects and materials that could be used to perform an act of unlawful interference on board of an aircraft. The aim of this work was to create a model for assessment of airport baggage security control efficiency understood as the capability of detecting items prohibited in transport. Especially the human Factor and the Technical Factor had to be taken into account collectively in the assessment of efficiency. Including many subjective Factors such as operator's assessment, tendency to make mistakes and the control process organisation method required using means adequate to the present informational uncertainty. In this case a hierarchical fuzzy inference system was used and it was implemented as the RBES computer system. Its important element is the completely new method of assessing the actual detectability of the prohibited items. The method is based on the analysis of the frequency of mistakes (called type A mistakes) consisting in not indicating a baggage, in which the screened image showed a prohibited item, as dangerous. The equally important element is including a few possible control process organisation options, so far not mentioned in the literature, in the analysis. The experiments on the model allowed to assess the baggage security control efficiency in real conditions and indicate the right control process organisation option.
Chok Ksh - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Prevention and management of biliary anastomotic stricture in right-lobe living-donor liver transplantation
'Wiley', 2014Co-Authors: Chok KshAbstract:© 2014 Journal of Gastroenterology and Hepatology Foundation and Wiley Publishing Asia Pty Ltd. Biliary strictures can be categorized according to Technical Factor as anastomotic or nonanastomotic strictures. Biliary anastomotic stricture is a common complication after living-donor liver transplantation, occasionally causing deaths. The two most commonly used methods for biliary anastomosis are duct-to-duct anastomosis and hepaticojejunostomy. Before presenting a description of the latest techniques of duct-to-duct anastomosis and hepaticojejunostomy, this review first relates the technique of donor right hepatectomy, as most biliary complications suffered by recipients of living-donor liver transplantation originate from donor operations. Three possible causes of biliary anastomotic stricture, namely impaired blood supply, biliary anomaly, and Technical flaw, are then discussed. Lastly, the review focuses on the latest management of biliary anastomotic stricture. Treatment modalities include endoscopic retrograde cholangiography with dilatation, percutaneous transhepatic biliary drainage with dilatation, conversion of duct-to-duct anastomosis to hepaticojejunostomy, and revision hepaticojejunostomy. End-to-side versus side-to-side hepaticojejunostomy is also discussed.link_to_OA_fulltex
Μπάλτος Γεώργιος - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Geostrategic and geo-economic dynamics: application at the crossroads of Europe and Middle East: the clash between kemalism and ottomanism drives Turkey's politics and geopolitics, fueling tension in greek-turkish relationship and influencing Europe’s future
Πανεπιστήμιο Αιγαίου, 2019Co-Authors: Baltos Georgios, Μπάλτος ΓεώργιοςAbstract:In contemporary Turkey, R.T. Erdogan frequently refers to the "Turkish borders of his heart", which incidentally do not coincide with, but always fall short of thoseofficially registered in the international maps and cartography ... This is why the present dissertation attempted to highlight the multiplicity in border interpretations, considering the borders not only as a Technical Factor contributing in political and institutional order, which is what we call “culture of borders” but also as a representation of cultural fusion, antagonism and struggle for survival among religions and nations. In order to understand the profound changes in Turkish foreign policy, it was critical to apply a constructivist approach, which considers that international relations are socially constructed, and focuses on leaders-citizens’ interaction and participation in the configuration of international relations. Constructivism claims that socio-cultural and civilizational identities play an essential role in defining state interests. It underlines the importance of legal rules and roles, material structures and customs in shaping political decisions. In this sense,the example of Turkey's neo-οttoman revisionism over the last decades, which demonstrates the overwhelming thrust of a lost one century ago Ottoman cultural and imperial entity to revive and expand, easily explains a jeopardy over the geopolitics constants in the wider geographic region. From this point of view, the most recent symbolic but also realistically materialized narrative for a Turkish "sea-blue homeland", implying a sea-going and ruling tradition, sends messages to multiple recipients about the regional power of the country, the understanding of and investment in the sea power as well as a claim of a role that has been nurtured by the neighbors of Turkey, Greeks, for centuries, whose national flag really features blue colors, reflecting one of the longer, wider and deeper naval proficiencies in the world. From the constructivist perspective, the generic cultural category of the "caliphate" is still "alive" as an idealistic driver in hearts and minds of many Turkish citizens, although in practice they live in a secular state bound to international ideological constraints, institutions and lifestyle practices that in short are called Western culture. It was also crucial to assess the role of leading personalities as the main core of cultural reorientation and consequently the catalyst for a re-engineering of the historical interpretations adopted by the societies being reformed. The change, according to the constructivists, could not have taken place without the "temperament" of Erdogan, Ozal and Davutoglu, who all led to a political revolution and gave the rhythm for a cataclysmic multi-level reform in modern Turkey. This dissertation additionally provided a functional assessment of Turkey’s dynamics at a regional power level, through the development of a tool which shall examine the working hypothesis of any given country’s “candidacy” to emerge as a regional power. The power equation applied in order to have such an evaluation has been formulated in a visually enriched and prototype format, giventhat particularly the geopolitics activate systems of interactions dynamically changing into many dimensions. The scope also includes the criteria verifying the achievement of the regional powers’ objectives as well as the review of future relevant prospects through a strengths-weaknesses-opportunities-threats analysis in a specific spatial and temporal context. Contemporary Turkey has been taken as the case study of this application and, therefore, while enumerating the assessment criteria, it was examined whether Turkey meets the conditions under discussion. This country has been selected on the grounds that its intentions have been overtly declared and its efforts are underway. The study consequently emphasizes on the policy implications of the dilemmatic question if the ongoingTurkish regime transformation may be or keeps being a pilot for other states’ progress in the heavily turmoiled Middle Eastern area. During the 2000s, in a rather paradoxical manner, Turkey earned the respect or at least the acceptance of Americans, Russians, Iranians and Israelis, while at the same time Europe was looking forward to having a special cooperation scheme with Turkey towards its accession to the EU. Additionally many Balkan nations declared themselves to be Turkey’s historical allies, while several Caucasian nations pursued cooperation or common politico-economic ground with Turkey. The fact is that Turkey was steadily and consistently intervening practically on all neighboring fronts that could conceivably be open in its wider region.Η παρούσα διατριβή επιχειρεί συστηματικά να αναδείξει τη σπουδαιότητα αλλά και την περιοδικότητα του πολιτικού ρεφορμισμού που διατρέχει η τουρκική πολιτεία κατά τις τελευταίες δεκαετίες, να προσδιορίσει το γεωπολιτικό τοπίο της Ανατολικής Μεσογείου και της Μέσης Ανατολής σε σχέση με τις κοινωνικοπολιτικές εξελίξεις στηνΤουρκία, αλλά και να προσδιορίσει τους λόγους που προσέδωσαν ασύγκριτα μεγαλεπήβολη δυναμική στον πολιτικό βίο του ηγέτη Ρ.Τ. Ερντογάν, καθώς και του ισλαμικού κόμματός του. Αναδεικνύει τη διαφοροποίηση η οποία ήδη σημειώνεται εντός του ιδίου του κοινωνικοπολιτικού στρατοπέδου που συναποτελούν οι οπαδοί του κόμματος του Ρ.Τ. Ερντογάν, με κομβικό σημείο την πολυ-επίπεδη διάσταση του τελευταίου με τον Ιμάμη Φ. Γκιουλέν, διερευνά τη ροπή της τουρκικής διακυβέρνησης προς απολυταρχικές κατευθύνσεις στον απόηχο της απόπειρας πραξικοπήματος του θέρους του 2016, ενώ συσχετίζει τις θεωρίες των διεθνών σχέσεων με τη διάγνωση απολυταρχικών τάσεων στη διαμόρφωση της νεο-οθωμανικής προοπτικής. Επίσης, διασυνδέει την περιφερειακή ισχύ της Τουρκίας στην Ανατολική Μεσόγειο με ποσοτικές μεθόδους μέτρησής της και προτείνει μία νέα επιστημονική προσέγγιση, της διαπλοκής, σύγκρουσης, σύνθεσης ή τουλάχιστον αλληλοπεριχώρησης εθνικών ιδεολογικών ρευμάτων επί της πολιτειακής θέσμισης και συγκρότησης της τουρκικής κοινωνίας. Από τότε που εκκίνησε η νεο-οθωμανική πορεία της Τουρκίας, οι εξελίξεις και τα γεγονότα υπήρξαν ραγδαία και σημαντικά, υπερβαίνοντας και τις αρχικές προβλέψεις. Καθαυτό το νεο-οθωμανικό καθεστώς διανύει μια φάση μετεξέλιξης, η οποία επανακαθορίζει τους όρους του πολιτικού παιγνίου εντός και εκτός της Τουρκίας με επίκαιρη καθημερινά την προοπτική ένοπλων συγκρούσεων και ανατροπής του status quo. Αξίζει εντέλει να σημειωθεί η εισαγωγή μίας σειράς νέων ερμηνευτικών εργαλείων, • της σύνθεσης σε ποικίλα ποσοστά κεμαλικών με οθωμανικά χαρακτηριστικά, • της όσμωσης πανισλαμισμού και παντουρκισμού, • της κυκλικότητας στις εκδηλώσεις οθωμανισμού και νεο-οθωμανισμού, • της επίδρασης των πολιτειακών αλλαγών στο κοινωνικοπολιτικό γίγνεσθαι ανά περιφέρεια του τουρκικού κράτους, • της ανάλυσης κινδύνου με γνώμονα τη ροπή προς αναθεωρητικές πρωτοβουλίες, • της διασύνδεσης εθνικών ιδεολογημάτων με πρωτοπόρες και χαρισματικές προσωπικότητες, • της χαρτογράφησης του τρόπου με τον οποίο αναπτύσσονται κοινωνικοπολιτικά οι περιφέρειες της Τουρκίας υπό το πρόσταγμα νεο-οθωμανικών πολιτικών κατά αντιπαράσταση προς τις αντίστοιχες και παρελθούσες κεμαλικές προοπτικές, • της μετατόπισης θεσμικών βαρύκεντρων εξουσίας στο εσωτερικό της Τουρκίας υπό την προοπτική ενός ριζικού μετασχηματισμού στη φυσιογνωμία και το μέλλον του συγκεκριμένου έθνους κράτους, • της μέτρησης ισχύος διά μετρήσιμων, κατά το δυνατό, κριτηρίων τόσο κατά τη μετάβαση από τον κεμαλισμό στον «ερντογανισμό» όσο και μεταξύ διαφόρων και διακριτών χρονικών περιόδων κατά την εξέλιξη του τελευταίου. Η ανάλυση που εκτυλίχθηκε πιθανολόγησε συμπεράσματα σχετικά με την επιτυχία ή τις πιθανότητες επιτυχίας της τουρκικής εξωτερικής πολιτικής στη συγκεκριμένη επιδίωξη περιφερειακής ισχύος, επιδιώκοντας τα εν λόγω συμπεράσματα να είναι ποσοτικά αιτιολογημένα με βάση τεκμηριωμένες εκτιμήσεις για τις αξιολογούμενες επιδόσεις διαχρονικά και σε κάθε κριτήριο ισχύος, συνεισφέροντας στη διεύρυνση και στη βελτίωση του τρόπου «ανάγνωσης» και ερμηνείας των γεγονότων στο εσωτερικό της Τουρκίας, στην Ανατολική Μεσόγειο και στη Μέση Ανατολή
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Geostrategic and geo-economic dynamics: application at the crossroads of Europe and the Middle East: the clash between Kemalism and Ottomanism drives Turkey's politics and geopolitics, fueling tension in Greek-Turkish relationship and influencing Europe’s future
2019Co-Authors: Μπάλτος ΓεώργιοςAbstract:Η παρούσα διατριβή επιχειρεί συστηματικά να αναδείξει τη σπουδαιότητα αλλά και την περιοδικότητα του πολιτικού ρεφορμισμού που διατρέχει η τουρκική πολιτεία κατά τις τελευταίες δεκαετίες, να προσδιορίσει το γεωπολιτικό τοπίο της Ανατολικής Μεσογείου και της Μέσης Ανατολής σε σχέση με τις κοινωνικοπολιτικές εξελίξεις στην Τουρκία, αλλά και να προσδιορίσει τους λόγους που προσέδωσαν ασύγκριτα μεγαλεπήβολη δυναμική στον πολιτικό βίο του ηγέτη Ρ.Τ. Ερντογάν, καθώς και του ισλαμικού κόμματός του. Αναδεικνύει τη διαφοροποίηση η οποία ήδη σημειώνεται εντός του ιδίου του κοινωνικοπολιτικού στρατοπέδου που συναποτελούν οι οπαδοί του κόμματος του Ρ.Τ. Ερντογάν, με κομβικό σημείο την πολυ-επίπεδη διάσταση του τελευταίου με τον Ιμάμη Φ. Γκιουλέν, διερευνά τη ροπή της τουρκικής διακυβέρνησης προς απολυταρχικές κατευθύνσεις στον απόηχο της απόπειρας πραξικοπήματος του θέρους του 2016, ενώ συσχετίζει τις θεωρίες των διεθνών σχέσεων με τη διάγνωση απολυταρχικών τάσεων στη διαμόρφωση της νεο-οθωμανικής προοπτικής. Επίσης, διασυνδέει την περιφερειακή ισχύ της Τουρκίας στην Ανατολική Μεσόγειο με ποσοτικές μεθόδους μέτρησής της και προτείνει μία νέα επιστημονική προσέγγιση, της διαπλοκής, σύγκρουσης, σύνθεσης ή τουλάχιστον αλληλοπεριχώρησης εθνικών ιδεολογικών ρευμάτων επί της πολιτειακής θέσμισης και συγκρότησης της τουρκικής κοινωνίας. Από τότε που εκκίνησε η νεο-οθωμανική πορεία της Τουρκίας, οι εξελίξεις και τα γεγονότα υπήρξαν ραγδαία και σημαντικά, υπερβαίνοντας και τις αρχικές προβλέψεις. Καθαυτό το νεο-οθωμανικό καθεστώς διανύει μια φάση μετεξέλιξης, η οποία επανακαθορίζει τους όρους του πολιτικού παιγνίου εντός και εκτός της Τουρκίας με επίκαιρη καθημερινά την προοπτική ένοπλων συγκρούσεων και ανατροπής του status quo. Αξίζει εντέλει να σημειωθεί η εισαγωγή μίας σειράς νέων ερμηνευτικών εργαλείων, • της σύνθεσης σε ποικίλα ποσοστά κεμαλικών με οθωμανικά χαρακτηριστικά, • της όσμωσης πανισλαμισμού και παντουρκισμού, • της κυκλικότητας στις εκδηλώσεις οθωμανισμού και νεο-οθωμανισμού, • της επίδρασης των πολιτειακών αλλαγών στο κοινωνικοπολιτικό γίγνεσθαι ανά περιφέρεια του τουρκικού κράτους, • της ανάλυσης κινδύνου με γνώμονα τη ροπή προς αναθεωρητικές πρωτοβουλίες, • της διασύνδεσης εθνικών ιδεολογημάτων με πρωτοπόρες και χαρισματικές προσωπικότητες, • της χαρτογράφησης του τρόπου με τον οποίο αναπτύσσονται κοινωνικοπολιτικά οι περιφέρειες της Τουρκίας υπό το πρόσταγμα νεο-οθωμανικών πολιτικών κατά αντιπαράσταση προς τις αντίστοιχες και παρελθούσες κεμαλικές προοπτικές, • της μετατόπισης θεσμικών βαρύκεντρων εξουσίας στο εσωτερικό της Τουρκίας υπό την προοπτική ενός ριζικού μετασχηματισμού στη φυσιογνωμία και το μέλλον του συγκεκριμένου έθνους κράτους, • της μέτρησης ισχύος διά μετρήσιμων, κατά το δυνατό, κριτηρίων τόσο κατά τη μετάβαση από τον κεμαλισμό στον «ερντογανισμό» όσο και μεταξύ διαφόρων και διακριτών χρονικών περιόδων κατά την εξέλιξη του τελευταίου. Η ανάλυση που εκτυλίχθηκε πιθανολόγησε συμπεράσματα σχετικά με την επιτυχία ή τις πιθανότητες επιτυχίας της τουρκικής εξωτερικής πολιτικής στη συγκεκριμένη επιδίωξη περιφερειακής ισχύος, επιδιώκοντας τα εν λόγω συμπεράσματα να είναι ποσοτικά αιτιολογημένα με βάση τεκμηριωμένες εκτιμήσεις για τις αξιολογούμενες επιδόσεις διαχρονικά και σε κάθε κριτήριο ισχύος, συνεισφέροντας στη διεύρυνση και στη βελτίωση του τρόπου «ανάγνωσης» και ερμηνείας των γεγονότων στο εσωτερικό της Τουρκίας, στην Ανατολική Μεσόγειο και στη Μέση Ανατολή.In contemporary Turkey, R.T. Erdogan frequently refers to the "Turkish borders of his heart", which incidentally do not coincide with, but always fall short of those officially registered in the international maps and cartography ... This is why the present dissertation attempted to highlight the multiplicity in border interpretations, considering the borders not only as a Technical Factor contributing in political and institutional order, which is what we call “culture of borders” but also as a representation of cultural fusion, antagonism and struggle for survival among religions and nations. In order to understand the profound changes in Turkish foreign policy, it was critical to apply a constructivist approach, which considers that international relations are socially constructed, and focuses on leaders-citizens’ interaction and participation in the configuration of international relations. Constructivism claims that socio-cultural and civilizational identities play an essential role in defining state interests. It underlines the importance of legal rules and roles, material structures and customs in shaping political decisions. In this sense, the example of Turkey's neo-Ottoman revisionism over the last decades, which demonstrates the overwhelming thrust of a lost one century ago Ottoman cultural and imperial entity to revive and expand, easily explains a jeopardy over the geopolitics constants in the wider geographic region. From this point of view, the most recent symbolic but also realistically materialized narrative for a Turkish "sea-blue homeland", implying a sea-going and ruling tradition, sends messages to multiple recipients about the regional power of the country, the understanding of and investment in the sea power as well as a claim of a role that has been nurtured by the neighbors of Turkey, Greeks, for centuries, whose national flag really features blue colors, reflecting one of the longer, wider and deeper naval proficiencies in the world. From the constructivist perspective, the generic cultural category of the "caliphate" is still "alive" as an idealistic driver in hearts and minds of many Turkish citizens, although in practice they live in a secular state bound to international ideological constraints, institutions and lifestyle practices that in short are called Western culture. It was also crucial to assess the role of leading personalities as the main core of cultural reorientation and consequently the catalyst for a re-engineering of the historical interpretations adopted by the societies being reformed. The change, according to the constructivists, could not have taken place without the "temperament" of Erdogan, Ozal and Davutoglu, who all led to a political revolution and gave the rhythm for a cataclysmic multi-level reform in modern Turkey. This dissertation additionally provided a functional assessment of Turkey’s dynamics at a regional power level, through the development of a tool which shall examine the working hypothesis of any given country’s “candidacy” to emerge as a regional power. The power equation applied in order to have such an evaluation has been formulated in a visually enriched and prototype format, given that particularly the geopolitics activate systems of interactions dynamically changing into many dimensions. The scope also includes the criteria verifying the achievement of the regional powers’ objectives as well as the review of future relevant prospects through a strengths-weaknesses-opportunities-threats analysis in a specific spatial and temporal context. Contemporary Turkey has been taken as the case study of this application and, therefore, while enumerating the assessment criteria, it was examined whether Turkey meets the conditions under discussion. This country has been selected on the grounds that its intentions have been overtly declared and its efforts are underway. The study consequently emphasizes on the policy implications of the dilemmatic question if the on-going Turkish regime transformation may be or keeps being a pilot for other states’ progress in the heavily turmoiled Middle Eastern area. During the 2000s, in a rather paradoxical manner, Turkey earned the respect or at least the acceptance of Americans, Russians, Iranians and Israelis, while at the same time Europe was looking forward to having a special cooperation scheme with Turkey towards its accession to the EU. Additionally many Balkan nations declared themselves to be Turkey’s historical allies, while several Caucasian nations pursued cooperation or common politico-economic ground with Turkey. The fact is that Turkey was steadily and consistently intervening practically on all neighboring fronts that could conceivably be open in its wider region
