The Experts below are selected from a list of 3186 Experts worldwide ranked by ideXlab platform
Irene Sabate Muriel - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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flexible industrial work in the european periphery factory regimes and changing Working Class Cultures in the spanish steel industry
Anthropology of Work Review, 2019Co-Authors: E J Gonzalezpolledo, Irene Sabate MurielAbstract:This article explores how two steel industry firms operating in northern Spain have adapted to neoliberalism and globalization. Despite their geographical proximity, the comparison between their different trajectories, production, and ownership profiles highlights how their distinct factory regimes, while becoming entangled in global market dynamics, have allowed the emergence of contrasting definitions of workers’ identities, labor politics, and livelihood strategies, raising questions concerning (1) processes of distribution of privileges, skills, and knowledge among the workforce, and (2) the shaping of social relations, values, and meanings that result in the formation of particular factory regimes. The unequal position of steelmaking in regional economies, and the effects of economic policies that framed social relations in each firm, evince important differences between them, including contrasting expressions of resistance, discipline, and sociality on the shop floor. Our comparison considers how particular factory regimes bring forward different prospects as these firms face further industrial transformation, restructuring, and an increasingly uncertain future.
E J Gonzalezpolledo - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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flexible industrial work in the european periphery factory regimes and changing Working Class Cultures in the spanish steel industry
Anthropology of Work Review, 2019Co-Authors: E J Gonzalezpolledo, Irene Sabate MurielAbstract:This article explores how two steel industry firms operating in northern Spain have adapted to neoliberalism and globalization. Despite their geographical proximity, the comparison between their different trajectories, production, and ownership profiles highlights how their distinct factory regimes, while becoming entangled in global market dynamics, have allowed the emergence of contrasting definitions of workers’ identities, labor politics, and livelihood strategies, raising questions concerning (1) processes of distribution of privileges, skills, and knowledge among the workforce, and (2) the shaping of social relations, values, and meanings that result in the formation of particular factory regimes. The unequal position of steelmaking in regional economies, and the effects of economic policies that framed social relations in each firm, evince important differences between them, including contrasting expressions of resistance, discipline, and sociality on the shop floor. Our comparison considers how particular factory regimes bring forward different prospects as these firms face further industrial transformation, restructuring, and an increasingly uncertain future.
Bekken, Jon Everett - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Working-Class newspapers, community and consciousness in Chicago, 1880-1930
2024Co-Authors: Bekken, Jon EverettAbstract:This dissertation focuses on Chicago Working-Class and labor newspapers published between 1880 and 1930, documenting an often- neglected part of communications history. The workers' press played a key role in sustaining and promoting U.S. Working-Class movements. Chicago's Working-Class press ranged from obscure monthly organs to well-established socialist dailies integrated into the socio-cultural milieu in which they operated. These papers were part of a rich media ecology, including scores of foreign-language, trade and professional dailies, as well as mainstream dailies organized into the Chicago Newspaper Trust.Institutions such as the Socialistic Publishing Society, which issued the German-language Chicagoer Arbeiter-Zeitung, Fackel and Vorbote, illustrate the institutional arrangements workers employed to ensure that their newspaper remained accountable. Immigrant workers' newspapers sustained Working-Class Cultures and encouraged solidarity across language barriers. Lithuanian, Italian and Croatian papers--especially Naujienos, La Parola del Popolo, and Radnicka Straza--illustrate these processes. Foreign-language papers reflected competing visions of Class and ethnicity, illustrated in Chicago's Czech (Spravedlnost, Denni Hlasatel, and Svornost), Polish (Dziennik Ludowy, Dziennik Zjednoczenia, Dkiennik Zwiazkowy, and Dziennik Chicagoski) and Yiddish (Jewish Courier, Arbeiter Welt, and Jewish Daily Forward) press, and the ways in which socialist newspapers sought to fuse ethnic and Class identities.Through the Chicago Daily Socialist, the Cook County Socialist Party struggled to realize their vision of a newspaper written and controlled by the socialist movement. The Chicago Federation of Labor launched The New Majority in 1919 (renamed the Federation News in 1924) after decades of relying on privately-published organs such as the Union Labor Advocate, to support their expansive political agenda. These newspapers were produced by editors characteristic of, and deeply embedded in, the communities they served.Chicago's Working-Class press represented an alternative model--one in which ordinary workers were encouraged to participate in shaping and producing their own media. Yet the extent to which this ideal was realized varied widely. Publishers often encountered serious difficulties reconciling the competing pressures of the capitalist marketplace in which they were obliged to operate and the needs of the movements they were established to serve.U of I OnlyETDs are only available to UIUC Users without author permissio
Bennett Tony - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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The political career of the culture concept
U.S. Routledge, 2018Co-Authors: Bennett TonyAbstract:My concerns in this chapter are with the discursive coordinates that shaped a distinctive episode in the political career of the cultural concept: that comprised by the role it played in the development of assimilationist conceptions of multiculturalism in the inter-war period through to the early post-war period. the key developments here focus on the successive elaborations of Franz Boas’s interpretation of the culture concept – briefly, the conception of culture as an ordered way of life – that informed the trajectories of American anthropology during a period when it was both intellectually dominated by Boasians and, somewhat contrary to Boas’s own inclinations, entering into increasingly close forms of collaboration with a range of governmental agencies (Mandler 2013; Price 2008). By focusing on this episode in the political career of the culture concept, I also aim to throw some fresh light on a later moment in its history when, in the founding years of British cultural studies, it was annexed to a conception of Class politics in which the ways of life of Working-Class Cultures were constituted as potential sources of resistance to dominant Class formations. This interpretation of the concept departed from its inter-war history in being fashioned as a source for counter-conducts rather than as a governmental actor and, as an aspect of this, the way in which its relations to aesthetic conceptions of culture were interpreted also changed. I shall show how its earlier history as a policy actor in the United States rested on a particular governmental mobilisation of formalist aesthetic that informed the conception of ways of life as being endowed with a particular shape or pattern derived from the creativity of the people concerned. The initial phases of its use in British cultural studies detached it from the coordinates of race and ethnicity that informed its earlier American anthropological career, coordinates to which the concept has been re-attached in its later career in cultural studies in the light of its re-reading by Stuart Hall and others. While this later episode in the political career of the culture concept goes beyond the historical remit of my concerns in this chapter, it nonetheless informs my engagement with its earlier moments
