Authoritarian Government

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David Stromberg - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • why does china allow freer social media protests versus surveillance and propaganda
    Journal of Economic Perspectives, 2017
    Co-Authors: Bei Qin, David Stromberg
    Abstract:

    Abstract In this paper, we document basic facts regarding public debates about controversial political issues on Chinese social media. Our documentation is based on a dataset of 13.2 billion blog posts published on Sina Weibo—the most prominent Chinese microblogging platform—during the 2009–2013 period. Our primary finding is that a shockingly large number of posts on highly sensitive topics were published and circulated on social media. For instance, we find millions of posts discussing protests, and these posts are informative in predicting the occurrence of specific events. We find an even larger number of posts with explicit corruption allegations, and that these posts predict future corruption charges of specific individuals. Our findings challenge a popular view that an Authoritarian regime would relentlessly censor or even ban social media. Instead, the interaction of an Authoritarian Government with social media seems more complex.

Mats Heide - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • Revisiting a Social Constructionist Approach to Crisis Communication: Investigating Contemporary Crises in China
    International Journal of Strategic Communication, 2017
    Co-Authors: Hui Zhao, Jesper Falkheimer, Mats Heide
    Abstract:

    The current study provides a social constructionist approach to crisis communication in the Chinese context. Crisis communication is viewed as a form of strategic communication, involving multiple stakeholders in situations that are dependent on context, space and time. This approach provides a much-needed path for investigating and understanding crisis communication practices in contemporary China. The distinct Chinese context for crisis communication, with both an Authoritarian Government structure and a digital transformation of society, challenges theories originally developed in the Western countries. To address this issue, this study proposes a three-theme analytical framework to examine crisis communication practices in the Chinese context: (1) an audience (or stakeholder) orientation—focusing sense-making, (2) a proactive and interactive approach—focusing communication, and (3) a community—focused approach—focusing a long-range precrisis perspective.

Bei Qin - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • why does china allow freer social media protests versus surveillance and propaganda
    Journal of Economic Perspectives, 2017
    Co-Authors: Bei Qin, David Stromberg
    Abstract:

    Abstract In this paper, we document basic facts regarding public debates about controversial political issues on Chinese social media. Our documentation is based on a dataset of 13.2 billion blog posts published on Sina Weibo—the most prominent Chinese microblogging platform—during the 2009–2013 period. Our primary finding is that a shockingly large number of posts on highly sensitive topics were published and circulated on social media. For instance, we find millions of posts discussing protests, and these posts are informative in predicting the occurrence of specific events. We find an even larger number of posts with explicit corruption allegations, and that these posts predict future corruption charges of specific individuals. Our findings challenge a popular view that an Authoritarian regime would relentlessly censor or even ban social media. Instead, the interaction of an Authoritarian Government with social media seems more complex.

Hui Zhao - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • Revisiting a Social Constructionist Approach to Crisis Communication: Investigating Contemporary Crises in China
    International Journal of Strategic Communication, 2017
    Co-Authors: Hui Zhao, Jesper Falkheimer, Mats Heide
    Abstract:

    The current study provides a social constructionist approach to crisis communication in the Chinese context. Crisis communication is viewed as a form of strategic communication, involving multiple stakeholders in situations that are dependent on context, space and time. This approach provides a much-needed path for investigating and understanding crisis communication practices in contemporary China. The distinct Chinese context for crisis communication, with both an Authoritarian Government structure and a digital transformation of society, challenges theories originally developed in the Western countries. To address this issue, this study proposes a three-theme analytical framework to examine crisis communication practices in the Chinese context: (1) an audience (or stakeholder) orientation—focusing sense-making, (2) a proactive and interactive approach—focusing communication, and (3) a community—focused approach—focusing a long-range precrisis perspective.

Camly N Bui - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • mass attitude toward democracy in different types of regime testing an assumption of democratic qualities
    Social Science Research Network, 2010
    Co-Authors: Camly N Bui
    Abstract:

    At first glance, the world has long appeared to embrace democracy, and democratization has been a decades-long global trend: World Values Survey (2005-2008) shows about 78% of the surveyed citizens across five continents said it was important to live in a country governed democratically, and the Economist’s Intelligence Unit estimates 80 countries around the world have now exhibited some form of democracy. Yet, there has been concern about the quality of democracy based on the assumption that, in fragile democracies, the mass public has yet established democratic preferences and habits (Diamond, 1999; Bratton, 2002; Wang, 2007). This paper tested the assumption that the mass public in more democratic countries exhibited stronger democratic attitudes than that in less democratic countries. The examination focused on public statement of support for democracy and actual engagement in democratic processes. 53 countries were examined using secondary data (2005-2008) made available by the Economist’s Intelligence Unit, Polity IV project, and World Values Survey.The empirical evidences provided a mixed picture of mass attitudes toward democracy across types of regime, partly supporting and partly dismissing the tested assumption. Countries in better state of democracy did not always have an all-around better record of public political participation. With regard to interest in politics, it was clear that the difference was not as assumed, as higher percentage of democratic countries (flawed or full) had an indifferent public than that of undemocratic countries (Authoritarian, hybrid, or autocracy). However, with regard to political actions, the public in fully democratic countries were indeed more engaging in demonstration and, to a lesser extent, in petition than the public in other types of regime. Regarding public support for democracy, data showed that, across the continents and types of regime, people explicitly expressed strong support for democracy; yet public perception toward Authoritarian Government was somewhat mixed, with nearly half of the hybrid regimes or flawed democracies’ public showing preference for a strong leader that bypassed the parliament and disregarded elections. The implications of the findings for comparative studies of democracy were discussed.