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Mayer Ricardo - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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A ética do cuidado como uma gramática da ação: uma análise do consumo crítico em um mercado alternativo
'UNISINOS - Universidade do Vale do Rio Dos Sinos', 2016Co-Authors: Colomé, Felipe Da Luz, Mayer RicardoAbstract:This article is part of a study that addresses the emergence of critical consumption in southern Brazil. Contemporarily, critical consumption is understood as a multifaceted phenomenon which means the materialization of moral concepts and worldviews on the basis of critical positions in relation to consumption. This study investigated that phenomenon, based on the consumption practices developed within the solidarity economy. Through the contributions of the pragmatic sociology of Luc Boltanski and Laurent Thevenot (1991), we analyzed the Axiological Rationality that underlies the actors’ preferences in alternative markets. Based on these assumptions, from a field research conducted at the fair of solidarity economy of Santa Maria, RS, Brazil, we highlight the motivations and justifications that lead to the constitution of an ethics of care, anchored in the bonds of community membership with an emphasis on primary sociabilities considering the choice of a healthy diet. Thus, in relation to the results of this research, we came across the prevalence of arguments grounded in a moral which privileges the care for the members of the household community. In relation the methodological procedures, we made use of a qualitative approach, and used the techniques of participant observation and semi-structured interviews with people who go to this alternative market.Keywords: critical consumption, grammar of action, ethics of care, solidarity economy, health.O presente artigo é parte de um estudo que abordou a emergência do consumo crítico no sul do Brasil. Contemporaneamente, o consumo crítico é compreendido como um fenômeno multifacetado que se traduz na materialização de concepções morais e visões de mundo a partir de posições críticas em relação ao consumo. Esse estudo investigou este fenômeno, tendo por base as práticas de consumo desenvolvidas no âmbito da economia solidária. Através dos aportes da sociologia pragmática de Luc Boltanski e Laurent Thévenot (1991), analisamos a racionalidade axiológica que subjaz às escolhas dos agentes em mercados alternativos. Com base nestes pressupostos, a partir de pesquisa de campo desenvolvida na feira de economia solidária de Santa Maria, RS, Brasil, evidenciamos as motivações e justificações que remetem à constituição de uma eticidade do cuidado, ancorada nos vínculos de pertencimento comunitários com ênfase nas sociabilidades primárias tendo em vista a escolha de uma dieta saudável. Assim, em relação aos resultados dessa investigação, deparamo-nos com a prevalência de argumentos alicerçados em uma moral que privilegia o cuidado em relação aos membros da comunidade doméstica. Já em relação aos procedimentos metodológicos, valemo-nos de uma abordagem qualitativa, sendo utilizadas as técnicas de observação participante e entrevistas semiestruturadas realizadas com os frequentadores deste mercado alternativo.Palavras-chave: consumo crítico, gramática da ação, ética do cuidado, economia solidária, saúde
Buhler Thomas - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Elements to consider habits in urban transports practices : Resistances to injunctions to change in metropolitan Lyon as a case study
2012Co-Authors: Buhler ThomasAbstract:Depuis une trentaine d’années en France, les politiques de déplacement visent une réduction de l’usage de l’automobile en ville. En suivant diverses formulations et niveaux de contrainte sur l’usage des modes, ces politiques impactent les environnements urbains, et s’accompagnent dans les années 2000 de dispositifs communicationnels et informationnels visant à obtenir un changement de pratiques de la part des usagers. Les injonctions de la collectivité au changement de mode peuvent ainsi prendre des formes implicites ou explicites. Les injonctions implicites traduisent l’hypothèse d’une rationalité instrumentale prédominante chez l’usager-acteur, à la recherche de l’alternative « optimale » et modifient en conséquence l’environnement urbain au profit des modes « alternatifs » à la voiture. Les injonctions explicites s’adressent quant à elles à un usager, dont la rationalité serait davantage axiologique et s’attachent à le convaincre de changer de pratique par des campagnes de communication destinées à promouvoir des vertus et des valeurs associées aux modes alternatifs. A Lyon comme ailleurs, ces politiques ne sont pas couronnées du succès espéré. L’adhésion aux dispositifs mis en place n’est pas massive, de sorte que nous constatons de fortes résistances aux injonctions au changement de mode de déplacement. Que l’usage de la voiture reste prépondérant dans les espaces peu denses ne surprend pas, mais la résistance au changement de mode concerne également les communes centrales, denses et correctement desservies par les modes alternatifs. Nous en concluons que les hypothèses de la rationalité instrumentale et/ou axiologique de l’usager de la voiture ne suffisent pas à couvrir les raisons de la pratique automobile. En outre, la littérature de la recherche sur les déplacements urbains ne dit guère plus que ces deux hypothèses sur les comportements de mobilité. Que les approches scientifiques du choix modal reposent sur une théorie de la décision ou mobilisent les structures sociales pour expliquer les comportements, elles ne parviennent pas à expliquer et à rendre compte des résistances aux injonctions. Pour contribuer à cette réflexion, nous faisons l’hypothèse que le concept d’habitude peut utilement être convoqué, pour dépasser les dualismes « individu-structure » ou « choix-déterminisme » et permettre une lecture plus phénoménologique des pratiques de déplacements quotidiens. Nous avons donc développé une méthode originale en deux temps : des commentaires enregistrés par les acteurs-usagers en situation de déplacement, puis un questionnaire. Nous montrerons en quoi la force de l’habitude, constituée de trois dimensions (psychique, temporelle, spatiale) permet d’expliquer la résistance des usagers aux injonctions au changement de mode. Nous conclurons par la remise en cause des politiques de déplacement injonctives, et par la proposition de nouvelles perspectives tant opérationnelles et théoriques.Since the 80’s the majority of French cities developed transport policies aiming at reducing car use. This involves the development of specific urban transport policies following various formulas (such as modal-shift, intermodal or multimodal policies) and various constraint levels on car use (incentive or restrictive policies). Several communicational and informational plans emerged since the 2000’s and support these policies in order to enable a change in urban transport practices. Local authorities’ injunctions to modal change take two principal shapes that are rather implicit or explicit. Implicit injunctions to modal change indicate a first hypothesis on the car-user developed by local authorities in charge of transportation planning and policies. This first hypothesis assumes a car-user in search of the “optimal” mode, and stipulates as a consequence a modification of urban environments in favor of “alternative modes” to make him change. Regarding explicit injunctions, a second hypothesis is assumed on the car-user, who is defined as an actor following an Axiological Rationality. As a consequence, communication campaigns on values and virtues of “alternative modes” are stipulated to achieve consent to change in the case of daily-life transport. In Lyon as elsewhere, these policies failed to meet with the expected success. The support to these plans and policies is not massive so that we observe strong resistances to injunctions to change. These resistances are not surprising in the case of low density spaces and are in line with the literature. However the resistances to modal change observed for the case of Lyon take place as well in central areas, accurately connected to public transportation services with high population density. We conclude that hypotheses of instrumental and Axiological rationalities are limited in explaining the “reasons” of car use. Mainstream research literature on urban transport doesn’t go further than these two hypotheses. To contribute to this reflection we assume the hypothesis that habit - as a concept – can be mobilized to go beyond fruitless dualisms such as “individual vs. structure” or “choice vs. determinism” and enable the development of a rather phenomenological interpretation of transport behaviours. In order to identify the shapes and roles of habit in urban transport behaviours, we developed a two-step original method including the collection of comments recorded by car-drivers and a questionnaire. The latter enabled us to distinguish two sub-groups as regards to the strength of their automobile habit. As a major result we will show that automobile habit follows three dimensions, namely mental, temporal and spatial, and enable an explanation of user’s resistance to injunctions to modal change. In line with these results we will conclude with a critical reconsideration of transport policies based on injunctions to change, and with new operational and theoretical perspectives
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Eléments pour la prise en compte de l’habitude dans les pratiques de déplacements urbains : Le cas des résistances aux injonctions au changement de mode de déplacement sur l’agglomération lyonnaise
HAL CCSD, 2012Co-Authors: Buhler ThomasAbstract:Since the 80’s the majority of French cities developed transport policies aiming at reducing car use. This involves the development of specific urban transport policies following various formulas (such as modal-shift, intermodal or multimodal policies) and various constraint levels on car use (incentive or restrictive policies). Several communicational and informational plans emerged since the 2000’s and support these policies in order to enable a change in urban transport practices. Local authorities’ injunctions to modal change take two principal shapes that are rather implicit or explicit. Implicit injunctions to modal change indicate a first hypothesis on the car-user developed by local authorities in charge of transportation planning and policies. This first hypothesis assumes a car-user in search of the “optimal” mode, and stipulates as a consequence a modification of urban environments in favor of “alternative modes” to make him change. Regarding explicit injunctions, a second hypothesis is assumed on the car-user, who is defined as an actor following an Axiological Rationality. As a consequence, communication campaigns on values and virtues of “alternative modes” are stipulated to achieve consent to change in the case of daily-life transport. In Lyon as elsewhere, these policies failed to meet with the expected success. The support to these plans and policies is not massive so that we observe strong resistances to injunctions to change. These resistances are not surprising in the case of low density spaces and are in line with the literature. However the resistances to modal change observed for the case of Lyon take place as well in central areas, accurately connected to public transportation services with high population density. We conclude that hypotheses of instrumental and Axiological rationalities are limited in explaining the “reasons” of car use. Mainstream research literature on urban transport doesn’t go further than these two hypotheses. To contribute to this reflection we assume the hypothesis that habit - as a concept – can be mobilized to go beyond fruitless dualisms such as “individual vs. structure” or “choice vs. determinism” and enable the development of a rather phenomenological interpretation of transport behaviours. In order to identify the shapes and roles of habit in urban transport behaviours, we developed a two-step original method including the collection of comments recorded by car-drivers and a questionnaire. The latter enabled us to distinguish two sub-groups as regards to the strength of their automobile habit. As a major result we will show that automobile habit follows three dimensions, namely mental, temporal and spatial, and enable an explanation of user’s resistance to injunctions to modal change. In line with these results we will conclude with a critical reconsideration of transport policies based on injunctions to change, and with new operational and theoretical perspectives.Depuis une trentaine d’années en France, les politiques de déplacement visent une réduction de l’usage de l’automobile en ville. En suivant diverses formulations et niveaux de contrainte sur l’usage des modes, ces politiques impactent les environnements urbains, et s’accompagnent dans les années 2000 de dispositifs communicationnels et informationnels visant à obtenir un changement de pratiques de la part des usagers. Les injonctions de la collectivité au changement de mode peuvent ainsi prendre des formes implicites ou explicites. Les injonctions implicites traduisent l’hypothèse d’une rationalité instrumentale prédominante chez l’usager-acteur, à la recherche de l’alternative « optimale » et modifient en conséquence l’environnement urbain au profit des modes « alternatifs » à la voiture. Les injonctions explicites s’adressent quant à elles à un usager, dont la rationalité serait davantage axiologique et s’attachent à le convaincre de changer de pratique par des campagnes de communication destinées à promouvoir des vertus et des valeurs associées aux modes alternatifs. A Lyon comme ailleurs, ces politiques ne sont pas couronnées du succès espéré. L’adhésion aux dispositifs mis en place n’est pas massive, de sorte que nous constatons de fortes résistances aux injonctions au changement de mode de déplacement. Que l’usage de la voiture reste prépondérant dans les espaces peu denses ne surprend pas, mais la résistance au changement de mode concerne également les communes centrales, denses et correctement desservies par les modes alternatifs. Nous en concluons que les hypothèses de la rationalité instrumentale et/ou axiologique de l’usager de la voiture ne suffisent pas à couvrir les raisons de la pratique automobile. En outre, la littérature de la recherche sur les déplacements urbains ne dit guère plus que ces deux hypothèses sur les comportements de mobilité. Que les approches scientifiques du choix modal reposent sur une théorie de la décision ou mobilisent les structures sociales pour expliquer les comportements, elles ne parviennent pas à expliquer et à rendre compte des résistances aux injonctions. Pour contribuer à cette réflexion, nous faisons l’hypothèse que le concept d’habitude peut utilement être convoqué, pour dépasser les dualismes « individu-structure » ou « choix-déterminisme » et permettre une lecture plus phénoménologique des pratiques de déplacements quotidiens. Nous avons donc développé une méthode originale en deux temps : des commentaires enregistrés par les acteurs-usagers en situation de déplacement, puis un questionnaire. Nous montrerons en quoi la force de l’habitude, constituée de trois dimensions (psychique, temporelle, spatiale) permet d’expliquer la résistance des usagers aux injonctions au changement de mode. Nous conclurons par la remise en cause des politiques de déplacement injonctives, et par la proposition de nouvelles perspectives tant opérationnelles et théoriques
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Mobilità sostenibile a Lione: dovremmo impiccare gli automobilisti?
CAB - Center for Libraries University of Naples "Federico II" using Open Journal System, 2011Co-Authors: Buhler ThomasAbstract:Incriminated for negative externalities such as both local and global pollution, noise, sealing extension or public space high consumption, private cars have been perceived as a factor of un-sustainable mobility since the early 80’s by urban planners and designers. In the new paradigm of the so-called “sustainable city” urban planners and designers target now a modification of social behaviour and particularly social mobility practices. The production of transport alternatives and restrictions to automobiles in city centres through car-parking limitations and fare systems as developed in urban mobility plans (Plans de Déplacements Urbains) are unfortunately too weak to generate a modal shift ripple-effect in French cities. Considering the last issue of the French national institute of statistics and economic studies’ survey (Hubert, 2009) the modal-share in favour of car-transit remains the same for the period of time between 1994 and 2008 for the biggest French cities, in spite of steady efforts for the development of public transportation alternatives such as the diffusion of the tramway’s comeback (from Grenoble 1986, to Dijon 2013). According to a series of relatively recent research papers (Kaufmann, 2002 ; Lefevre & Offner, 1990) focused on the “economically irrational” behaviour of the majority of private-car drivers concerning the question of modal shift, a research framework has been developed. This frameworks specially focuses on the disconnect between the rationalities of resistant car-driver’s social mobility practices in the metropolitan space, compared to the rationale of urban mobility masterplans has, assuming that user’s “tactics” answer planner’s “strategies” (De Certeau, 1990). This approach of identifying this disconnect between rationalities in planning and rationalities in social practices in the urban mobility context is aimed to extend to the complex perception of urban environments by car-drivers, to identify new targets of modal-split policies to be structured as new action-levers. This perception will deal with several issues orchestrated through urban design projects such as public spaces, physical distances or parking constraints. The second main issue of this conceptual framework deals with rationalities of user’s mobility practices. The Axiological Rationality (Boudon, 1995) seems to be heuristic to question values and practices, searching for the rationale behind the conclusions that users draw when making mobility decisions (for example “the car is faster in my situation”). This justification process needs to be finely analyzed in combination with several concepts, norms and values that “make sense” for the individual. We propose the hypothesis that the combination of perception biases and Axiological rationalities could helps to explain behaviors defined as “irrational” for urban mobility planners and to delineate the major levers of social acceptation and adoption of so-called sustainable urban environments.Incriminated for negative externalities such as both local and global pollution, noise, sealing extension or public space high consumption, private cars have been perceived as a factor of un-sustainable mobility since the early 80’s by urban planners and designers. In the new paradigm of the so-called “sustainable city” urban planners and designers target now a modification of social behaviour and particularly social mobility practices. The production of transport alternatives and restrictions to automobiles in city centres through car-parking limitations and fare systems as developed in urban mobility plans (Plans de Déplacements Urbains) are unfortunately too weak to generate a modal shift ripple-effect in French cities. Considering the last issue of the French national institute of statistics and economic studies’ survey (Hubert 2009) the modal-share in favour of car-transit remains the same for the period of time between 1994 and 2008 for the biggest French cities, in spite of steady efforts for the development of public transportation alternatives such as the diffusion of the tramway’s comeback (from Grenoble 1986, to Dijon 2013). According to a series of relatively recent research papers (Kaufmann 2002, Lefevre & Offner 1990) focused on the “economically irrational” behaviour of the majority of private-car drivers concerning the question of modal shift, a research framework has been developed. This frameworks specially focuses on the disconnect between the rationalities of resistant car-driver’s social mobility practices in the metropolitan space, compared to the rationale of urban mobility masterplans has, assuming that user’s “tactics” answer planner’s “strategies” (De Certeau 1990). This approach of identifying this disconnect between rationalities in planning and rationalities in social practices in the urban mobility context is aimed to extend to the complex perception of urban environments by car-drivers, to identify new targets of modal-split policies to be structured as new action-levers. This perception will deal with several issues orchestrated through urban design projects such as public spaces, physical distances or parking constraints. The second main issue of this conceptual framework deals with rationalities of user’s mobility practices. The Axiological Rationality (Boudon 1995) seems to be heuristic to question values and practices, searching for the rationale behind the conclusions that users draw when making mobility decisions (for example “the car is faster in my situation”). This justification process needs to be finely analyzed in combination with several concepts, norms and values that “make sense” for the individual. We propose the hypothesis that the combination of perception biases and Axiological rationalities could helps to explain behaviors defined as “irrational” for urban mobility planners and to delineate the major levers of social acceptation and adoption of so-called sustainable urban environments
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Sustainable mobility in Lyon: should we hang private car drivers?
CAB - Center for Libraries University of Naples "Federico II" using Open Journal System, 2010Co-Authors: Buhler ThomasAbstract:Incriminated for negative externalities such as both local and global pollution, noise, sealing extension or public space high consumption, private cars have been perceived as a factor of un-sustainable mobility since the early 80’s by urban planners and designers. In the new paradigm of the so-called “sustainable city” urban planners and designers target now a modification of social behaviour and particularly social mobility practices. The production of transport alternatives and restrictions to automobiles in city centres through car-parking limitations and fare systems as developed in urban mobility plans (Plans de Déplacements Urbains) are unfortunately too weak to generate a modal shift ripple-effect in French cities. Considering the last issue of the French national institute of statistics and economic studies’ survey (Hubert, 2009) the modal-share in favour of car-transit remains the same for the period of time between 1994 and 2008 for the biggest French cities, in spite of steady efforts for the development of public transportation alternatives such as the diffusion of the tramway’s comeback (from Grenoble 1986, to Dijon 2013). According to a series of relatively recent research papers (Kaufmann, 2002 ; Lefevre & Offner, 1990) focused on the “economically irrational” behaviour of the majority of private-car drivers concerning the question of modal shift, a research framework has been developed. This frameworks specially focuses on the disconnect between the rationalities of resistant car-driver’s social mobility practices in the metropolitan space, compared to the rationale of urban mobility masterplans has, assuming that user’s “tactics” answer planner’s “strategies” (De Certeau, 1990). This approach of identifying this disconnect between rationalities in planning and rationalities in social practices in the urban mobility context is aimed to extend to the complex perception of urban environments by car-drivers, to identify new targets of modal-split policies to be structured as new action-levers. This perception will deal with several issues orchestrated through urban design projects such as public spaces, physical distances or parking constraints. The second main issue of this conceptual framework deals with rationalities of user’s mobility practices. The Axiological Rationality (Boudon, 1995) seems to be heuristic to question values and practices, searching for the rationale behind the conclusions that users draw when making mobility decisions (for example “the car is faster in my situation”). This justification process needs to be finely analyzed in combination with several concepts, norms and values that “make sense” for the individual. We propose the hypothesis that the combination of perception biases and Axiological rationalities could helps to explain behaviors defined as “irrational” for urban mobility planners and to delineate the major levers of social acceptation and adoption of so-called sustainable urban environments.Incriminated for negative externalities such as both local and global pollution, noise, sealing extension or public space high consumption, private cars have been perceived as a factor of un-sustainable mobility since the early 80’s by urban planners and designers. In the new paradigm of the so-called “sustainable city” urban planners and designers target now a modification of social behaviour and particularly social mobility practices. The production of transport alternatives and restrictions to automobiles in city centres through car-parking limitations and fare systems as developed in urban mobility plans (Plans de Déplacements Urbains) are unfortunately too weak to generate a modal shift ripple-effect in French cities. Considering the last issue of the French national institute of statistics and economic studies’ survey (Hubert, 2009) the modal-share in favour of car-transit remains the same for the period of time between 1994 and 2008 for the biggest French cities, in spite of steady efforts for the development of public transportation alternatives such as the diffusion of the tramway’s comeback (from Grenoble 1986, to Dijon 2013). According to a series of relatively recent research papers (Kaufmann, 2002 ; Lefevre & Offner, 1990) focused on the “economically irrational” behaviour of the majority of private-car drivers concerning the question of modal shift, a research framework has been developed. This frameworks specially focuses on the disconnect between the rationalities of resistant car-driver’s social mobility practices in the metropolitan space, compared to the rationale of urban mobility masterplans has, assuming that user’s “tactics” answer planner’s “strategies” (De Certeau, 1990). This approach of identifying this disconnect between rationalities in planning and rationalities in social practices in the urban mobility context is aimed to extend to the complex perception of urban environments by car-drivers, to identify new targets of modal-split policies to be structured as new action-levers. This perception will deal with several issues orchestrated through urban design projects such as public spaces, physical distances or parking constraints. The second main issue of this conceptual framework deals with rationalities of user’s mobility practices. The Axiological Rationality (Boudon, 1995) seems to be heuristic to question values and practices, searching for the rationale behind the conclusions that users draw when making mobility decisions (for example “the car is faster in my situation”). This justification process needs to be finely analyzed in combination with several concepts, norms and values that “make sense” for the individual. We propose the hypothesis that the combination of perception biases and Axiological rationalities could helps to explain behaviors defined as “irrational” for urban mobility planners and to delineate the major levers of social acceptation and adoption of so-called sustainable urban environments
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Sustainable mobility in Lyon: should we hang private car drivers?
2010Co-Authors: Buhler ThomasAbstract:Incriminated for negative externalities such as both local and global pollution, noise, sealing extension or public space high consumption, private cars have been perceived as a factor of un-sustainable mobility since the early 80’s by urban planners and designers. In the new paradigm of the so-called “sustainable city” urban planners and designers target now a modification of social behaviour and particularly social mobility practices. The production of transport alternatives and restrictions to automobiles in city centres through car-parking limitations and fare systems as developed in urban mobility plans (Plans de Déplacements Urbains) are unfortunately too weak to generate a modal shift ripple-effect in French cities. Considering the last issue of the French national institute of statistics and economic studies’ survey (Hubert, 2009) the modal-share in favour of car-transit remains the same for the period of time between 1994 and 2008 for the biggest French cities, in spite of steady efforts for the development of public transportation alternatives such as the diffusion of the tramway’s comeback (from Grenoble 1986, to Dijon 2013). According to a series of relatively recent research papers (Kaufmann, 2002 ; Lefevre & Offner, 1990) focused on the “economically irrational” behaviour of the majority of private-car drivers concerning the question of modal shift, a research framework has been developed. This frameworks specially focuses on the disconnect between the rationalities of resistant car-driver’s social mobility practices in the metropolitan space, compared to the rationale of urban mobility masterplans has, assuming that user’s “tactics” answer planner’s “strategies” (De Certeau, 1990). This approach of identifying this disconnect between rationalities in planning and rationalities in social practices in the urban mobility context is aimed to extend to the complex perception of urban environments by car-drivers, to identify new targets of modal-split policies to be structured as new action-levers. This perception will deal with several issues orchestrated through urban design projects such as public spaces, physical distances or parking constraints. The second main issue of this conceptual framework deals with rationalities of user’s mobility practices. The Axiological Rationality (Boudon, 1995) seems to be heuristic to question values and practices, searching for the rationale behind the conclusions that users draw when making mobility decisions (for example “the car is faster in my situation”). This justification process needs to be finely analyzed in combination with several concepts, norms and values that “make sense” for the individual. We propose the hypothesis that the combination of perception biases and Axiological rationalities could helps to explain behaviors defined as “irrational” for urban mobility planners and to delineate the major levers of social acceptation and adoption of so-called sustainable urban environments
Colomé, Felipe Da Luz - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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A ética do cuidado como uma gramática da ação: uma análise do consumo crítico em um mercado alternativo
'UNISINOS - Universidade do Vale do Rio Dos Sinos', 2016Co-Authors: Colomé, Felipe Da Luz, Mayer RicardoAbstract:This article is part of a study that addresses the emergence of critical consumption in southern Brazil. Contemporarily, critical consumption is understood as a multifaceted phenomenon which means the materialization of moral concepts and worldviews on the basis of critical positions in relation to consumption. This study investigated that phenomenon, based on the consumption practices developed within the solidarity economy. Through the contributions of the pragmatic sociology of Luc Boltanski and Laurent Thevenot (1991), we analyzed the Axiological Rationality that underlies the actors’ preferences in alternative markets. Based on these assumptions, from a field research conducted at the fair of solidarity economy of Santa Maria, RS, Brazil, we highlight the motivations and justifications that lead to the constitution of an ethics of care, anchored in the bonds of community membership with an emphasis on primary sociabilities considering the choice of a healthy diet. Thus, in relation to the results of this research, we came across the prevalence of arguments grounded in a moral which privileges the care for the members of the household community. In relation the methodological procedures, we made use of a qualitative approach, and used the techniques of participant observation and semi-structured interviews with people who go to this alternative market.Keywords: critical consumption, grammar of action, ethics of care, solidarity economy, health.O presente artigo é parte de um estudo que abordou a emergência do consumo crítico no sul do Brasil. Contemporaneamente, o consumo crítico é compreendido como um fenômeno multifacetado que se traduz na materialização de concepções morais e visões de mundo a partir de posições críticas em relação ao consumo. Esse estudo investigou este fenômeno, tendo por base as práticas de consumo desenvolvidas no âmbito da economia solidária. Através dos aportes da sociologia pragmática de Luc Boltanski e Laurent Thévenot (1991), analisamos a racionalidade axiológica que subjaz às escolhas dos agentes em mercados alternativos. Com base nestes pressupostos, a partir de pesquisa de campo desenvolvida na feira de economia solidária de Santa Maria, RS, Brasil, evidenciamos as motivações e justificações que remetem à constituição de uma eticidade do cuidado, ancorada nos vínculos de pertencimento comunitários com ênfase nas sociabilidades primárias tendo em vista a escolha de uma dieta saudável. Assim, em relação aos resultados dessa investigação, deparamo-nos com a prevalência de argumentos alicerçados em uma moral que privilegia o cuidado em relação aos membros da comunidade doméstica. Já em relação aos procedimentos metodológicos, valemo-nos de uma abordagem qualitativa, sendo utilizadas as técnicas de observação participante e entrevistas semiestruturadas realizadas com os frequentadores deste mercado alternativo.Palavras-chave: consumo crítico, gramática da ação, ética do cuidado, economia solidária, saúde
Roselyne Koren - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Pour une éthique du discours : prise de position et rationalité axiologique Arguing on behalf of an Ethics of Discourse: Taking a Stand and Axiological Rationality
University of Tel-Aviv, 2008Co-Authors: Roselyne KorenAbstract:Cet article se situe à la croisée de l’analyse du discours, de la rhétorique argumentative et du concept philosophique d’éthique. Il a pour fin de problématiser la question du « positionnement » discursif. Je tenterai de réexaminer cette notion au prisme du concept argumentatif de « jugement » - et par « jugement » j’entends prise de position discursive - afin de contribuer à la conceptualisation de la notion d’éthique du discours. Cette démarche a pour fin de tenter de répondre à des questions épistémologiques comme : Pourquoi la prise de parole dans l’espace public implique-t-elle que le locuteur recoure, dans de nombreux genres de discours et même si les contraintes du genre ne l’exigent pas, à l’effacement énonciatif et donne à ses opinions les apparences du jugement de fait ? Pourquoi est-il encore nécessaire aujourd’hui de rappeler que le lexique de la langue comprend des masses de termes subjectifs axiologiques et que des questions comme « Que pense X de cette question ? Est-il pour ou contre ? Est-ce bien ou mal à ses yeux ? » constituent des réactions spontanées inéluctables aux dires des autres ? Troisième et dernière question : Pourquoi un analyste du discours que préoccupe, certes, la question de la « véridiction », mais tout autant celle de la « rectitude éthique » et d’une rationalité axiologique, se trouve-t-il contraint de recourir à une théorie de l’argumentation pour pouvoir aborder les tenants et aboutissants de l’acte de juger hors de contextes polémiques aporétiques, alors que son objet de recherche est la mise en mots et la mise en scène discursives sous toutes leurs formes ? Cet article commencera par l’élaboration d’un cadre théorique où seront traitées les questions suivantes : la nécessité de penser aux côtés de la prise en charge de la vérité référentielle et en interaction avec elle, la prise en charge des jugements de valeur et les conditions de possibilité d’une rationalité axiologique. Il faudra donc pouvoir penser la coexistence de la responsabilité discursive de l’énonciateur et de sa responsabilité argumentative, la question de la « véridiction » et celle de la « rectitude éthique ». Trois études de cas permettront ensuite de passer de la théorie à la pratique. Les deux premières concernent la rhétorique de l’écriture de presse. Il s’agit du concept déontologique d’« engagement neutre ») et d’un rythme fondamental de l’écriture de presse : l’oscillation statique entre deux pôles contraires. La troisième et dernière illustration concernera la controverse autour de la question du devoir de neutralité du chercheur en sciences du langage. La majorité des chercheurs prônent en effet un axiome déontologique de non-intervention ; ils présupposent ainsi que la neutralité est linguistiquement et discursivement possible, alors qu’ils considèrent par ailleurs la subjectivité énonciative du langage comme un fait avéré.This article is situated at the crossroads of Discourse Analysis, Argumentative Rhetoric and the philosophical concept of Ethics. It aims at raising the problems inherent to the issue of discursive positioning. It will attempt to reexamine this notion through the prism of the argumentative concept of judgment or discursive stand, in order to contribute to a conceptualization of the notion of an Ethics of discourse. This paper attempts to answer epistemological questions such as: 1) why does taking a stand in public imply that the speakers recur, in numerous genres of discourse, and even if the genre does not require it, to erasing any trace of discursive subjectivity, thus making opinions appear as judgments of fact? 2) Why is it still necessary today to remind linguists that the lexicon of a language contains a myriad of subjective Axiological terms and that questions such as “what does X think about this? Is he for or against it? Does he like it or not?” constitute spontaneous inescapable reactions to the words of others? Lastly, why would a discourse analyst preoccupied by referential truth, but similarly by “ethical rectitude” and Axiological Rationality, have to turn to a theory of argumentation in order to deal with the ins and outs of judging ? This article starts with a presentation of a theoretical frame dealing with the necessity to take into account not only referential truth, but also and in close relation to it, of value judgments and Axiological Rationality. The coexistence between the speaker’s discursive responsibility and his argumentative responsibility, and the coexistence of the issues of “referential truth” and “ethical rectitude”, should be considered jointly. Three case studies will then allow us to move from theory to practice. The first two cases deal with the rhetoric of the written press, analyzing first the deontological concept of “neutral commitment” and then a fundamental journalistic rhythm: the static oscillation between two opposing poles. The third and last example illustrates the controversial question of the linguist’s neutrality. Most scholars subscribe to the deontological axiom of non-intervention, thus presupposing that neutrality is linguistically and discursively possible, although simultaneously affirming that enunciative subjectivity is inescapable
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Pour une éthique du discours : prise de position et rationalité axiologique
'OpenEdition', 2008Co-Authors: Roselyne KorenAbstract:This article is situated at the crossroads of Discourse Analysis, Argumentative Rhetoric and the philosophical concept of Ethics. It aims at raising the problems inherent to the issue of discursive positioning. It will attempt to reexamine this notion through the prism of the argumentative concept of judgment or discursive stand, in order to contribute to a conceptualization of the notion of an Ethics of discourse. This paper attempts to answer epistemological questions such as: 1) why does taking a stand in public imply that the speakers recur, in numerous genres of discourse, and even if the genre does not require it, to erasing any trace of discursive subjectivity, thus making opinions appear as judgments of fact? 2) Why is it still necessary today to remind linguists that the lexicon of a language contains a myriad of subjective Axiological terms and that questions such as “what does X think about this? Is he for or against it? Does he like it or not?” constitute spontaneous inescapable reactions to the words of others? Lastly, why would a discourse analyst preoccupied by referential truth, but similarly by “ethical rectitude” and Axiological Rationality, have to turn to a theory of argumentation in order to deal with the ins and outs of judging ? This article starts with a presentation of a theoretical frame dealing with the necessity to take into account not only referential truth, but also and in close relation to it, of value judgments and Axiological Rationality. The coexistence between the speaker’s discursive responsibility and his argumentative responsibility, and the coexistence of the issues of “referential truth” and “ethical rectitude”, should be considered jointly. Three case studies will then allow us to move from theory to practice. The first two cases deal with the rhetoric of the written press, analyzing first the deontological concept of “neutral commitment” and then a fundamental journalistic rhythm: the static oscillation between two opposing poles. The third and last example illustrates the controversial question of the linguist’s neutrality. Most scholars subscribe to the deontological axiom of non-intervention, thus presupposing that neutrality is linguistically and discursively possible, although simultaneously affirming that enunciative subjectivity is inescapable
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A ética do cuidado como uma gramática da ação: uma análise do consumo crítico em um mercado alternativo
Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos, 2016Co-Authors: Felipe Da Luz Colomé, Ricardo MayerAbstract:This article is part of a study that addresses the emergence of critical consumption in southern Brazil. Contemporarily, critical consumption is understood as a multifaceted phenomenon which means the materialization of moral concepts and worldviews on the basis of critical positions in relation to consumption. This study investigated that phenomenon, based on the consumption practices developed within the solidarity economy. Through the contributions of the pragmatic sociology of Luc Boltanski and Laurent Thevenot (1991), we analyzed the Axiological Rationality that underlies the actors’ preferences in alternative markets. Based on these assumptions, from a field research conducted at the fair of solidarity economy of Santa Maria, RS, Brazil, we highlight the motivations and justifications that lead to the constitution of an ethics of care, anchored in the bonds of community membership with an emphasis on primary sociabilities considering thechoice of a healthy diet. Thus, in relation to the results of this research, we came across the prevalence of arguments grounded in a moral which privileges the care for the members of the household community. In relation the methodological procedures, we made use of a qualitative approach, and used the techniques of participant observation and semi-structured interviews with people who go to this alternative market