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C M Di Domenico - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • Demand For Dairy Productis Among The Indigenous Population Of Southern Nigeria
    The research reports, 1993
    Co-Authors: Mohammad A. Jabbar, C M Di Domenico
    Abstract:

    A survey was conducted of 982 indigenous households in Southern Nigeria between October 1988 and March 1989. Results show that 70 percent of the sample households consumed some dairy products. Consumption prevalence and regularity of consumption of local products was higher around the points of production but lower elsewhere while the regularity of consumption for imported products was high everywhere. The type of products consumed and quantity of consumption and expenditure on dairy products differed markedly between ethnic groups, urban and rural populations and between southwest and southeast regions. Per Caput Income of dairy consuming and non-consuming households did not differ significantly in any of the locations. Among the consumers, Income elasticity was higher for rural households in the southeast.

  • Dairy consumption patterns in southern Nigeria
    International Livestock Centre for Africa, 1992
    Co-Authors: C M Di Domenico
    Abstract:

    A survey was conducted of 982 indigene households and 203 Hausa/Fulani households in southern Nigeria between October 1988 and March 1989. Results show that 70 percent of the indigenes and 98 percent of the Hausa/Fulani consumed some dairy products. Prevalence and regularity of consumption of local products among the indigenes was high around the points of production but low elsewhere, while the regularity of consumption for imported products was high among both indigenes and the Hausa/Fulani. The type and quantity of products consumed and expenditure on dairy products deffered markedly among ethnic groups, urban and rural populations and between the south-west and the south-east. Per Caput Income of indigenous households that consume dairy products did not differ significantly in any of the locations from that of indigenous households that did not consume dairy products. Among the consumers, Income elasticity demand was higher for rural households in the south-west and for urban households in the south-east and was higher for urban Hausa than rural Fulani, who are producers of dairy products

Del Rev Calero Juan. - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • La Contribucién del Tabaco y de Otros Hábitos de Vida a la Mortalidad por Cáncer de Pulmón en España de 1940 a 1988
    Sociedad Española de Salud Pública y Administración Sanitaria. Published by Elsevier España S.L., 1994
    Co-Authors: Rodríguez Artalejo Fernando, Hernández Vecino Ramón, Graciani Auxiliadora, Ramón Banegas José, Del Rev Calero Juan.
    Abstract:

    ResumenDado que se dispone de suficientes evidencias sobre la relación causal entre la exposición al tabaco y la mortalidad por cáncer de pulmón, nos hemos propuesto cuantificardicha relación en la población española en el periodo 1940 a 1988, a través de métodos observacionales. Para ello se ha realizado un estudio de series temporales con datos agregados. La información sobre la mortalidad por cáncer de pulmón y la exposición al tabaco y a otras variables potencialmente predictoras de esta enfermedad se ha elaborado a partir de estadísticas oficiales. El análisis de los datos se ha realizado por métodos gráficos y de regresión lineal múltiple.Se ha observado que tanto la mortalidad por cáncer de pulmón como el consumo de tabaco, de lípidos y el nivel de riqueza han aumentado en España de forma muy importante a lo largo del periodo de estudio. Una vez controlado el efecto de la ingesta de lípidos y de alcohol, por cada gramo per capita y día de aumento en el consumo de tabaco desde 1940 hasta la actualidad se ha producido, tras 15 años de exposición, un aumento cercano al 19% en la mortalidad por cáncer de pulmón en España.Se concluye que el creciente consumo de tabaco en el periodo estudiado ha contribuido sustancialmente a la epidemia de cáncer de pulmón experimentada en la población española en dichos años. Este hecho proporciona evidencias adicionales en las que basar los programas de lucha antitabáquica en España.SummaryBecause the causal relationship between tobacco smoking and lung cancer has been clearly established, we have set out to measure its magnitude among the Spanish population in the time period 1940–1988 using observational methods. To do so, we have carried a time series study of ecological data. Information on lung cancer mortality, tobacco smoking and other potential predictors of lung cancer has been elaborated from official statistics. Data analysis has been performed by graphical methods and multiple linear regression techniques.Lung cancer mortality, tobacco smoking, total lipid intake and the Spanish wealth, as measured by national per Caput Income and gross domestic product, have increased very importantly over the study period. After controlling for the effect of lipids and alcohol intake, for every gram/per Caput/day of increase in tobacco smoking in the period 1940–1988, there has been a 19% increase in lung cancer mortality with a 15 years lag.We conclude that tobacco smoking hasfueled the lung cancer epidemic in Spain during the study period. This finding provides additional arguments for the implementation of tobacco control programmes in our country

George Grantham - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • Divisions of labour: agricultural productivity and occupational specialization in pre‐industrial France
    The Economic History Review, 1993
    Co-Authors: George Grantham
    Abstract:

    Economic historians frequently employ estimates of the share of the active population engaged in agricultural work as a statistical indicator of economic progress. They presume that in the past increases in per Caput Income were always associated with the displacement of labour from food production to manufacturing and the provision of services. The logic of this assumption is that in a closed economy the only way labour can be reallocated from the production of foodstuffs to that of other commodities is through a rise in agricultural labour productivity. This connection is considered to be so strictly monotonic that students of early modern and early industrial Europe have inferred the productivity of agricultural labour from estimated trends in the share of the population occupied in farming.2 This leads to the striking discovery that agricultural labour productivity in northern Europe rose steadily between the seventeenth century and the early nineteenth, which is apparently difficult to reconcile with rising food prices and falling real wages, suggesting strongly diminishing returns to agricultural labour and growing stress on the food supply in the face of accelerating population growth in the later eighteenth century.3 The apparent displacement of labour from agriculture to industry between i6oo and i8oo is even more paradoxical, bearing in mind that mechanization of agricultural operations on a massive scale was delayed until after i840, and that the agricultural innovations of the early modern period tended to be labour using rather than labour saving.4 International comparative advantage provides a possible resolution of the paradox and may in part explain the British case after I780.' But the redeployment of the labour force in non-agricultural activity before i850

Gabriel Tortella - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • Patterns of economic retardation and recovery in south‐western Europe in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries1
    The Economic History Review, 1994
    Co-Authors: Gabriel Tortella
    Abstract:

    Ts there a specific Latin or south-west European pattern of economic modernization? A simple inspection of tables i and 2 and of figure i would suggest that there is. The special characteristic of the south-western economies (Spain, Portugal, and Italy) seems to be their stagnation and backwardness in relation to north-western Europe during the nineteenth century, while in the twentieth century they grew rapidly and recovered most, if not all, of the ground lost. We must first investigate the sources of the evidence presented in these tables and graphs. Table i is based on the calculations in classical works2 as recalculated by Prados, and sometimes linearly interpolated. Table 2 relates these Income series to the combined British and French per Caput Income (hence the virtual mirror images of the British and French curves in figure i). Relative to the British-French norm, the Latin economies appear to have declined dramatically during the first half of the nineteenth century, almost held their own during the second half, begun a halting recovery from I900 to I930, sunk again-Spain especially-in I930-50, and partially caught up since then.

Rodríguez Artalejo Fernando - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • La Contribucién del Tabaco y de Otros Hábitos de Vida a la Mortalidad por Cáncer de Pulmón en España de 1940 a 1988
    Sociedad Española de Salud Pública y Administración Sanitaria. Published by Elsevier España S.L., 1994
    Co-Authors: Rodríguez Artalejo Fernando, Hernández Vecino Ramón, Graciani Auxiliadora, Ramón Banegas José, Del Rev Calero Juan.
    Abstract:

    ResumenDado que se dispone de suficientes evidencias sobre la relación causal entre la exposición al tabaco y la mortalidad por cáncer de pulmón, nos hemos propuesto cuantificardicha relación en la población española en el periodo 1940 a 1988, a través de métodos observacionales. Para ello se ha realizado un estudio de series temporales con datos agregados. La información sobre la mortalidad por cáncer de pulmón y la exposición al tabaco y a otras variables potencialmente predictoras de esta enfermedad se ha elaborado a partir de estadísticas oficiales. El análisis de los datos se ha realizado por métodos gráficos y de regresión lineal múltiple.Se ha observado que tanto la mortalidad por cáncer de pulmón como el consumo de tabaco, de lípidos y el nivel de riqueza han aumentado en España de forma muy importante a lo largo del periodo de estudio. Una vez controlado el efecto de la ingesta de lípidos y de alcohol, por cada gramo per capita y día de aumento en el consumo de tabaco desde 1940 hasta la actualidad se ha producido, tras 15 años de exposición, un aumento cercano al 19% en la mortalidad por cáncer de pulmón en España.Se concluye que el creciente consumo de tabaco en el periodo estudiado ha contribuido sustancialmente a la epidemia de cáncer de pulmón experimentada en la población española en dichos años. Este hecho proporciona evidencias adicionales en las que basar los programas de lucha antitabáquica en España.SummaryBecause the causal relationship between tobacco smoking and lung cancer has been clearly established, we have set out to measure its magnitude among the Spanish population in the time period 1940–1988 using observational methods. To do so, we have carried a time series study of ecological data. Information on lung cancer mortality, tobacco smoking and other potential predictors of lung cancer has been elaborated from official statistics. Data analysis has been performed by graphical methods and multiple linear regression techniques.Lung cancer mortality, tobacco smoking, total lipid intake and the Spanish wealth, as measured by national per Caput Income and gross domestic product, have increased very importantly over the study period. After controlling for the effect of lipids and alcohol intake, for every gram/per Caput/day of increase in tobacco smoking in the period 1940–1988, there has been a 19% increase in lung cancer mortality with a 15 years lag.We conclude that tobacco smoking hasfueled the lung cancer epidemic in Spain during the study period. This finding provides additional arguments for the implementation of tobacco control programmes in our country