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Joerg Haustein - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Strategic tangles: Slavery, Colonial Policy, and religion in German East Africa, 1885–1918
Atlantic Studies, 2017Co-Authors: Joerg HausteinAbstract:When Germany occupied Tanganyika in 1889, the mobilising rhetoric was built around ending slavery, which in turn was framed religiously, as a “Muslim” institution to be ended by “Christian civilisation”. However, while the German colonisers subsequently suppressed slave-raiding and large-scale slave trade, they never abolished slavery itself or the private sale of slaves. Moreover, the political utility of framing slavery as an “Islamic” practice quickly faded as the German government rested its political rule on the established Omani and Swahili Muslim elites and their economic networks. Settlers and planters, in turn, were soon discussing how to solve the problem of labour shortage by coercive means. Only missionaries had an interest to continue framing slavery as a Muslim practice in order to raise support for their Christianising endeavours. This led to an extended conflict about German Colonial Policy, in which settlers invoked Islam as an ally for “civilising” Africans for modern labour regimes, while missionaries continued to highlight slavery as an aspect of the “Islamic danger” in the colony. The article traces the German debate of slavery in East Africa with a special interest in how it was connected to perceptions of Christianity and Islam. It demonstrates that the vicissitudes of the debate about slavery were not so much governed by the issue of slavery itself as by entangled strategic interests in the Colonial nexus of politics, economy, and religion.
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strategic tangles slavery Colonial Policy and religion in german east africa 1885 1918
Atlantic Studies, 2017Co-Authors: Joerg HausteinAbstract:When Germany occupied Tanganyika in 1889, the mobilising rhetoric was built around ending slavery, which in turn was framed religiously, as a “Muslim” institution to be ended by “Christian civilisation”. However, while the German colonisers subsequently suppressed slave-raiding and large-scale slave trade, they never abolished slavery itself or the private sale of slaves. Moreover, the political utility of framing slavery as an “Islamic” practice quickly faded as the German government rested its political rule on the established Omani and Swahili Muslim elites and their economic networks. Settlers and planters, in turn, were soon discussing how to solve the problem of labour shortage by coercive means. Only missionaries had an interest to continue framing slavery as a Muslim practice in order to raise support for their Christianising endeavours. This led to an extended conflict about German Colonial Policy, in which settlers invoked Islam as an ally for “civilising” Africans for modern labour regimes, while missionaries continued to highlight slavery as an aspect of the “Islamic danger” in the colony. The article traces the German debate of slavery in East Africa with a special interest in how it was connected to perceptions of Christianity and Islam. It demonstrates that the vicissitudes of the debate about slavery were not so much governed by the issue of slavery itself as by entangled strategic interests in the Colonial nexus of politics, economy, and religion.
Joseph M. Fernando - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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The Power and Influence of the High Commissioners in Colonial Policy-making in Malaya, 1948-1957
SEJARAH, 2011Co-Authors: Joseph M. FernandoAbstract:--Contestations between the Metropolitan and the Periphery: The Role of the High Commissioner in Colonial Policy-making in Malaya, 1948-1957 By Joseph M. Fernando Department of History Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences University of Malaya Abstract This article examines the influence of high commissioners in Colonial Policy-making in Malaya between 1948 and 1957. It looks at three administrations in Malaya in the post-war period to assess the extent to which high commissioners shaped Colonial Policy vis-a-vis the Colonial Office in London. Were high commissioners merely instruments of the Colonial Office or were they independent-minded administrators shaping policies in the periphery? To what extent did they represent metropolitan interests, on one hand, and the interests of the territories and its peoples, on the other? Malaya provides an interesting case study for an examination of the power and influence of high commissioners in the chain of Colonial Policy-making in the face of a serious insurgency and a strong nationalist movement in the post-war period. The first part of the article provides a broad overview of the Colonial Policy-making process. The following sections then discuss in some detail the influence of three high commissioners in Malaya by assessing their influence in shaping major policies during their tenures. The final section draws some conclusions on the power and influence of high commissioners in Colonial Policy-making. This article argues that the high commissioners in Malaya dominated Colonial-Policy making in the post war period. The rapid pace of the developments on the ground and the complexity of the issues that surfaced necessitated a thorough understanding of events on the ground and invariably quick decision-making and the men on the spot were often in a better position to shape the Policy responses to the various challenges than the mandarins in London.
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Joseph M. Fernando, "British Colonial Policy and the Development of Political Parties in Malaya, 1945-1957: Taming the Shrew?, Jurnal Sejarah, Vol. 16, 2008, 105-121 (published 2009)
2009Co-Authors: Joseph M. FernandoAbstract:-British Colonial Policy and the Development of Political Parties in Malaya, 1945-1957: Taming the Shrew? Joseph M. Fernando Department of History Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences University of Malaya ABSTRACT This article examines the policies of the British Colonial administration in Malaya towards the formation and development of political parties between 1945 and 1957. The period 1945-1957 witnessed the emergence of political parties of various ideological dispositions and was an important formative period in the development of the modern party system in Malaysia. Parties such as the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), Malayan Chinese Association (MCA), Malayan Indian Congress (MIC), Parti Kebangsaan Melayu Malaya (PKMM), Independence of Malaya Party (IMP), Party Negara, Peoples Progressive Party and the Labour parties were formed during this period. While there are numerous studies of political parties in Malaysia, no serious study has been undertaken to examine the policies and legislation governing the formation and activities of political parties in the post-war period concerned. The British Colonial administration allowed the formation of political parties and, with the exception of the parties of the far left which were banned following the declaration of the Emergency in 1948 after the communist revolt, appeared to be quite tolerant. Nevertheless, the activities of political parties were closely monitored. This article examines the policies of the Colonial administration towards political parties and legislation that were introduced during this period to regulate the establishment and functioning of political parties. In a broader sense, this study examines the extent to which the British Colonial administration attempted to influence party politics and political activities in the period leading up to Malayan independence in 1957.
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Joseph M. Fernando, 'The Origins of the Reid Commission',Malaysian Journal on Human Rights, Vol.1, June 2007, pp.104-118.
2007Co-Authors: Joseph M. FernandoAbstract:-Contestations between the Metropolitan and the Periphery: The Role of the High Commissioner in Colonial Policy-making in Malaya, 1948-1957 By Joseph M. Fernando Department of History Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences University of Malaya Abstract This article examines the influence of high commissioners in Colonial Policy-making in Malaya between 1948 and 1957. It looks at three administrations in Malaya in the post-war period to assess the extent to which high commissioners shaped Colonial Policy vis-a-vis the Colonial Office in London. Were high commissioners merely instruments of the Colonial Office or were they independent-minded administrators shaping policies in the periphery? To what extent did they represent metropolitan interests, on one hand, and the interests of the territories and its peoples, on the other? Malaya provides an interesting case study for an examination of the power and influence of high commissioners in the chain of Colonial Policy-making in the face of a serious insurgency and a strong nationalist movement in the post-war period. The first part of the article provides a broad overview of the Colonial Policy-making process. The following sections then discuss in some detail the influence of three high commissioners in Malaya by assessing their influence in shaping major policies during their tenures. The final section draws some conclusions on the power and influence of high commissioners in Colonial Policy-making. This article argues that the high commissioners in Malaya dominated Colonial-Policy making in the post war period. The rapid pace of the developments on the ground and the complexity of the issues that surfaced necessitated a thorough understanding of events on the ground and invariably quick decision-making and the men on the spot were often in a better position to shape the Policy responses to the various challenges than the mandarins in London.
Susan Pedersen - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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national bodies unspeakable acts the sexual politics of Colonial Policy making
The Journal of Modern History, 1991Co-Authors: Susan PedersenAbstract:Government may claim and sometimes exercise its monopoly over the legitimate use of violence, but much of the time political rule can seem an elaborate charade, in which leaders only ratify policies decided elsewhere and fictions of compliance mask more complex networks of domination, inaction, or protest. In no area was authority so erratic as in British-controlled Kenya, where a "dignified" rhetoric of "native paramountcy" masked an "efficient" interest in labor control and economic growth on the part of settlers and (usually) the government. Indirect rule could thus devolve in practice into either arbitrary rule or no rule at all, as a patchwork of mediating social groups enforced, altered, or ignored the laws proceeding from an impervious Government House. The fictions of rule were exposed in 1926, when missionary pressure and some level of official concern about the prevalent practice of clitoridectomy led the governors of the East African dependencies to meet together to devise a strategy to combat the practice. Noting that one Kikuyu "native council" had passed a law requiring the licensing of all operators and restricting the extent of cutting to "simple clitoridectomy" (as opposed to the usual practice of removing the entire external genitalia), the governors endorsed this shift to the "less brutal" form. The new guidelines were adopted without protest by a range of councils and with a gratifying circulation of regulations and papers.' Imagine the surprise of the "native commissioners," then, when the
Paul Kelemen - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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planning for africa the british labour party s Colonial development Policy 1920 1964
Journal of Agrarian Change, 2007Co-Authors: Paul KelemenAbstract:The article examines the formation of the British Labour Party's Colonial Policy towards Africa. It traces how the early Radical Liberal critique of Colonial rule gave way to the influence of Fabianism, which provided the guidelines to the Labour government's post-war development measures. These sought to incorporate Africans into institutions which would simultaneously provide more productive labour and consolidate Colonial rule. The development of the African colonies was believed to reside in restructuring the interface between the state and society. A challenge to the Party's Fabian-inspired Colonial Policy emerged in the 1950s. In the midst of the ideological struggle between the party's left and right wings, arguments questioning the African colonies’ economic subordination to metropolitan interests briefly entered into Policy debates.
François-joseph Ruggiu - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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India and the Reshaping of the French Colonial Policy (1759-1789)
Itinerario, 2011Co-Authors: François-joseph RuggiuAbstract:It is well-known that in 1763 the French presence in India was reduced by the treaty of Paris to five trading posts, or comptoirs, whose names—Pondichéry, Yanaon, Karikal, Mahé and Chandernagor—were erstwhile learned by heart by the French schoolchildren. French India lasted until 1954 and sparked a wide scientific interest in France at least until the beginning of the 1970s. Since that time, along with the history of French Colonial Policy during the early modern period as a whole, the study of French India has largely gone out of fashion. The last decades of the Ancien Regime have especially been concerned by this disaffection. The best current French specialists of these parts of the world, like Philippe Haudrère, have focused on the activities of the Compagnie françaises des Indes, which was suspended in 1769, or, like Jacques Weber, devoted themselves to the history of the French presence in India during the nineteenth or twentieth centuries. Even if the period of Dupleix is more studied, the history of French India during the eighteenth century does not seem to tempt many researchers nowadays.
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India and the Reshaping of the French Colonial Policy (1759-1789)
Itinerario, 2011Co-Authors: François-joseph RuggiuAbstract:It is well-known that in 1763 the French presence in India was reduced by the treaty of Paris to five trading posts, or comptoirs , whose names—Pondichery, Yanaon, Karikal, Mahe and Chandernagor—were erstwhile learned by heart by the French schoolchildren. French India lasted until 1954 and sparked a wide scientific interest in France at least until the beginning of the 1970s. Since that time, along with the history of French Colonial Policy during the early modern period as a whole, the study of French India has largely gone out of fashion. The last decades of the Ancien Regime have especially been concerned by this disaffection. The best current French specialists of these parts of the world, like Philippe Haudrere, have focused on the activities of the Compagnie francaises des Indes , which was suspended in 1769, or, like Jacques Weber, devoted themselves to the history of the French presence in India during the nineteenth or twentieth centuries. Even if the period of Dupleix is more studied, the history of French India during the eighteenth century does not seem to tempt many researchers nowadays.