The Experts below are selected from a list of 1290 Experts worldwide ranked by ideXlab platform

Partha Dasgupta - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • economics of social capital
    Social Science Research Network, 2005
    Co-Authors: Partha Dasgupta
    Abstract:

    The literature on the idea of 'social capital' is now enormous. Offering an alternative to impersonal markets and coercive states, the communitarian institutions built around social capital have looked attractive to scholars in the humanities and social sciences. The literature in consequence has a warm glow to it. In this article, I first study the various contexts in which the promises people make to one another are credible and then suggest that the accumulation of social capital is a possible route to creating such a context. I offer a tight definition of social capital - namely, interpersonal networks - so as not to prejudge its ability to enhance human well-being. The links between the microfoundations of social capital and the macroeconomic performance of economies are then studied. I also show that economic theory not only identifies circumstances in which communitarian institutions can function well, but that it also uncovers a dark side, namely, their capicity to permit one group to exploit another within long-term relationships.

Alessandra Miriam Francischetti Ribeiro Da ,fonseca - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • Teoria da justiça distributiva e sua aplicabilidade pelo supremo tribunal federal na declaração de constitucionalidade da contribuição previdenciária pelos servidores públicos inativos
    Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos, 2012
    Co-Authors: Alessandra Miriam Francischetti Ribeiro Da ,fonseca
    Abstract:

    Teoria da Justiça Distributiva: o tema a ser abordado nesta pesquisa se concentra em investigar a aplicabilidade da justiça distributiva pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal na declaração de constitucionalidade da contribuição previdenciária pelos servidores públicos inativos, apontando divergências entre correntes teóricas comunitaristas e individualistas. Identificar a partir de aporte jusfilosófico, a interpretação constitucional do Supremo Tribunal Federal orientada por valores, mediante aplicação da justiça distributiva no caso concreto sob fundamento principiológico da solidariedade, característica marcante do paradigma comunitarista inaugurado pela Constituição Federal de 1988, ao estabelecer como objetivo fundamental do Estado Democrático de Direito a construção de uma sociedade livre, justa e solidaria.Theory of Distributive Justice: the topic being addressed in this research focuses on investigating the applicability of distributive justice in the Supreme Court in the declaration of the constitutionality of social security contributions for retired civil servants, pointing out discrepancies between theoretical currents Communitarians and individualists. Identify the contribution from jusfilosófico, the constitutional interpretation of the Supreme Court values driven by the application of distributive justice in this case on the basis of solidarity principiológico, striking feature of the communitarian paradigm inaugurated by the 1988 Constitution, the fundamental objective of establishing democratic state to build a free, fair and inclusive

  • Teoria da justi??a distributiva e sua aplicabilidade pelo supremo tribunal federal na declara????o de constitucionalidade da contribui????o previdenci??ria pelos servidores p??blicos inativos
    Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos, 2012
    Co-Authors: Alessandra Miriam Francischetti Ribeiro Da ,fonseca
    Abstract:

    Teoria da Justi??a Distributiva: o tema a ser abordado nesta pesquisa se concentra em investigar a aplicabilidade da justi??a distributiva pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal na declara????o de constitucionalidade da contribui????o previdenci??ria pelos servidores p??blicos inativos, apontando diverg??ncias entre correntes te??ricas comunitaristas e individualistas. Identificar a partir de aporte jusfilos??fico, a interpreta????o constitucional do Supremo Tribunal Federal orientada por valores, mediante aplica????o da justi??a distributiva no caso concreto sob fundamento principiol??gico da solidariedade, caracter??stica marcante do paradigma comunitarista inaugurado pela Constitui????o Federal de 1988, ao estabelecer como objetivo fundamental do Estado Democr??tico de Direito a constru????o de uma sociedade livre, justa e solidaria.Theory of Distributive Justice: the topic being addressed in this research focuses on investigating the applicability of distributive justice in the Supreme Court in the declaration of the constitutionality of social security contributions for retired civil servants, pointing out discrepancies between theoretical currents Communitarians and individualists. Identify the contribution from jusfilos??fico, the constitutional interpretation of the Supreme Court values driven by the application of distributive justice in this case on the basis of solidarity principiol??gico, striking feature of the communitarian paradigm inaugurated by the 1988 Constitution, the fundamental objective of establishing democratic state to build a free, fair and inclusive

Soares, Paulo Sérgio Gomes - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • O modelo freireano de educação popular e os fundamentos do comunitarismo
    Câmpus São Carlos, 2012
    Co-Authors: Soares, Paulo Sérgio Gomes
    Abstract:

    The principal objective of this thesis is to bring the debate between communitarianism and liberalism into the context of popular education, proposing a reinterpretation of the thought of Paulo Freire, from the communitarian approach, differentiating it from the thought of the typically liberal New School authors of his time. Communitarian assumptions are spread throughout Freire’s work, especially in his defence of popular culture, placing it in opposition to liberal assumptions, despite his progressive spirit and his training having taken place within the context of the New School movement. The concerns that drive our argument are as follows: to what extent does Freire’s pedagogy reinforce the communitarian assumptions that converge to the interests of the social theory communitarian? Can it assist in the expansion of popular sovereignty? To what extent can Freire’s pedagogy, updated with this approach, contribute to the strengthening of popular sovereignty and influence public policies in public commitment to the socio-cultural demands of different groups, taking into account a wide range of interests and values? In answering these questions, we can fill some gaps and expand the spaces for debate about the foundations and purpose of Popular Education. Similarly, the debate permeates the dispute between liberals and Communitarians, in how these demands can be included. Liberals defend the principle of formal equality, that press for individual rights, and the Communitarians defend the demand for recognition of cultural groups, showing the contradictions present in social organization. The debate runs through the different models of democracy. The formal model of liberal democracy makes the concepts of freedom and equality abstract, in addition to disregarding any trait of cultural tradition. It produces some phenomena that beset modernity and contribute to the strengthening of capitalism, such as the process of massification, alienation, uprooting and homogenization of cultures, factors that affect the identity of the subjects and, therefore, their conscious participation in public life. The model of participatory democracy, in turn, assumes active participation and concrete living conditions. The thesis points to the contradictions and suggests that contextualized education can generate resistance against individualism, in addition to identifying possible paths for a participatory democracy separate to communitarianism. Freire shows an educational perspective that assumes a principal of politics that helps to foster the practice of participatory democracy, especially because it advocates dialogue as the essence of all education. The proposal of political literacy, arising from the incentive to understand the world and create learning in communion, is inserted in the context of culture and not the atomized individual.Não recebi financiamentoO objetivo central desta tese é trazer o debate entre o comunitarismo e o liberalismo para o contexto da Educação Popular, propondo uma releitura do pensamento de Paulo Freire, a partir do enfoque comunitarista, diferenciando-o do pensamento de autores escolanovistas de sua época, tipicamente liberais. Os pressupostos comunitaristas se espalham pelo conjunto da obra de Freire, sobretudo pela defesa que faz da cultura popular, colocando-o em oposição aos pressupostos liberais, a despeito de seu espírito progressista e de sua formação ter ocorrido no contexto do movimento escolanovista. As inquietações que movimentam nossa argumentação são as seguintes: em que medida a pedagogia freireana reforça os pressupostos comunitários que convergem para os interesses da Teoria Social comunitarista? Ela pode auxiliar na ampliação da soberania popular? Em que medida a pedagogia freireana atualizada sob esse enfoque pode contribuir com o fortalecimento da soberania popular e influenciar as políticas públicas no compromisso político com as demandas socioculturais de diferentes grupos, considerando uma variada gama de interesses e valores? Ao responder a estas questões, podemos suprir algumas lacunas e ampliar os espaços de debate acerca dos fundamentos e dos propósitos da Educação Popular. Da mesma forma, o debate permeia a disputa entre liberais e comunitaristas, na forma como essas demandas podem ser incluídas. Os liberais defendem o princípio de igualdade formal, que prima pelos direitos individuais, e os comunitaristas defendem as reivindicações por reconhecimento dos grupos culturais, mostrando as contradições presentes na organização social. O debate perpassa pelos diferentes modelos de democracia. O modelo de democracia liberal, por ser formal, torna os conceitos de liberdade e igualdade abstratos, além de desprezar qualquer traço de tradição cultural, produzindo alguns fenômenos que assolam a modernidade e contribuem para o fortalecimento do capitalismo, como os processos de massificação, alienação, desenraizamento e homogeneização das culturas, fatores que interferem na identidade dos sujeitos e, por conseguinte, na sua participação consciente na vida pública. O modelo de democracia participativa, por sua vez, pressupõe a participação ativa e em condições concretas de existência. A tese aponta para as contradições e sugere que a educação contextualizada pode gerar resistência contra o individualismo, além de apontar caminhos possíveis para uma democracia participativa a partir do comunitarismo. Freire apresenta uma perspectiva de educação que supõe um princípio de politicidade que contribui para disseminar a prática da democracia participativa, sobretudo, porque defende o diálogo como essência de toda educação. A sua proposta de alfabetização política, originada do estímulo à leitura do mundo e do aprendizado em comunhão, está inserida no contexto da cultura e não do indivíduo atomizado

  • O modelo Freireano de educação popular e os fundamentos do comunitarismo
    'FAI-UFSCar', 2012
    Co-Authors: Soares, Paulo Sérgio Gomes
    Abstract:

    The principal objective of this thesis is to bring the debate between communitarianism and liberalism into the context of popular education, proposing a reinterpretation of the thought of Paulo Freire, from the communitarian approach, differentiating it from the thought of the typically liberal New School authors of his time. Communitarian assumptions are spread throughout Freire’s work, especially in his defence of popular culture, placing it in opposition to liberal assumptions, despite his progressive spirit and his training having taken place within the context of the New School movement. The concerns that drive our argument are as follows: to what extent does Freire’s pedagogy reinforce the communitarian assumptions that converge to the interests of the social theory communitarian? Can it assist in the expansion of popular sovereignty? To what extent can Freire’s pedagogy, updated with this approach, contribute to the strengthening of popular sovereignty and influence public policies in public commitment to the socio-cultural demands of different groups, taking into account a wide range of interests and values? In answering these questions, we can fill some gaps and expand the spaces for debate about the foundations and purpose of Popular Education. Similarly, the debate permeates the dispute between liberals and Communitarians, in how these demands can be included. Liberals defend the principle of formal equality, that press for individual rights, and the Communitarians defend the demand for recognition of cultural groups, showing the contradictions present in social organization. The debate runs through the different models of democracy. The formal model of liberal democracy makes the concepts of freedom and equality abstract, in addition to disregarding any trait of cultural tradition. It produces some phenomena that beset modernity and contribute to the strengthening of capitalism, such as the process of massification, alienation, uprooting and homogenization of cultures, factors that affect the identity of the subjects and, therefore, their conscious participation in public life. The model of participatory democracy, in turn, assumes active participation and concrete living conditions. The thesis points to the contradictions and suggests that contextualized education can generate resistance against individualism, in addition to identifying possible paths for a participatory democracy separate to communitarianism. Freire shows an educational perspective that assumes a principal of politics that helps to foster the practice of participatory democracy, especially because it advocates dialogue as the essence of all education. The proposal of political literacy, arising from the incentive to understand the world and create learning in communion, is inserted in the context of culture and not the atomized individual.O objetivo central desta tese é trazer o debate entre o comunitarismo e o liberalismo para o contexto da Educação Popular, propondo uma releitura do pensamento de Paulo Freire, a partir do enfoque comunitarista, diferenciando-o do pensamento de autores escolanovistas de sua época, tipicamente liberais. Os pressupostos comunitaristas se espalham pelo conjunto da obra de Freire, sobretudo pela defesa que faz da cultura popular, colocando-o em oposição aos pressupostos liberais, a despeito de seu espírito progressista e de sua formação ter ocorrido no contexto do movimento escolanovista. As inquietações que movimentam nossa argumentação são as seguintes: em que medida a pedagogia freireana reforça os pressupostos comunitários que convergem para os interesses da Teoria Social comunitarista? Ela pode auxiliar na ampliação da soberania popular? Em que medida a pedagogia freireana atualizada sob esse enfoque pode contribuir com o fortalecimento da soberania popular e influenciar as políticas públicas no compromisso político com as demandas socioculturais de diferentes grupos, considerando uma variada gama de interesses e valores? Ao responder a estas questões, podemos suprir algumas lacunas e ampliar os espaços de debate acerca dos fundamentos e dos propósitos da Educação Popular. Da mesma forma, o debate permeia a disputa entre liberais e comunitaristas, na forma como essas demandas podem ser incluídas. Os liberais defendem o princípio de igualdade formal, que prima pelos direitos individuais, e os comunitaristas defendem as reivindicações por reconhecimento dos grupos culturais, mostrando as contradições presentes na organização social. O debate perpassa pelos diferentes modelos de democracia. O modelo de democracia liberal, por ser formal, torna os conceitos de liberdade e igualdade abstratos, além de desprezar qualquer traço de tradição cultural, produzindo alguns fenômenos que assolam a modernidade e contribuem para o fortalecimento do capitalismo, como os processos de massificação, alienação, desenraizamento e homogeneização das culturas, fatores que interferem na identidade dos sujeitos e, por conseguinte, na sua participação consciente na vida pública. O modelo de democracia participativa, por sua vez, pressupõe a participação ativa e em condições concretas de existência. A tese aponta para as contradições e sugere que a educação contextualizada pode gerar resistência contra o individualismo, além de apontar caminhos possíveis para uma democracia participativa a partir do comunitarismo. Freire apresenta uma perspectiva de educação que supõe um princípio de politicidade que contribui para disseminar a prática da democracia participativa, sobretudo, porque defende o diálogo como essência de toda educação. A sua proposta de alfabetização política, originada do estímulo à leitura do mundo e do aprendizado em comunhão, está inserida no contexto da cultura e não do indivíduo atomizado

Ollroge Rasmus - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • Cosmopolitanism as a Distinction Practice: Evidence from a Web-Based Factorial Survey Experiment
    'Botanic Garden & Botanical Museum Berlin-Dahlem BGBM', 2020
    Co-Authors: Ollroge Rasmus
    Abstract:

    Die Forschung zur Konfliktlinie zwischen Kosmopoliten und Kommunitariern hat bislang kaum die Distinktionspraktiken zwischen den beiden Gruppen betrachtet, die jedoch einen wichtigen Aspekt von Konflikten zwischen sozialen Gruppen ausmachen. Basierend auf Daten eines faktoriellen Surveyexperiments aus einem Web-Survey von Berliner Studierenden untersuchte diese Studie die Signalwerte, die unterschiedliche Lebensstilmerkmale für die Kosmopoliten haben, sowie den Einfluss, den diese Merkmale auf die Bereitschaft der Kosmopoliten haben, mit anderen Personen sozial zu interagieren. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass Kosmopoliten anhand unterschiedlicher Lebensstilmerkmale andere Personen als Kosmopoliten oder Kommunitarier kategorisieren und eher bereit sind, mit denjenigen zu interagieren, die einen ähnlichen kosmopolitischen Lebensstil haben. Zudem interpretieren sie die Lebensstilmerkmale weniger als Signale sozialer Klassenzugehörigkeiten, sondern eher als Signale politischer Einstellungen. Insgesamt fungiert der Lebensstil der Kosmopoliten für sie als Mittel zur Identifikation von Gruppenzugehörigkeiten, zur Distinktion von den Kommunitariern.Research on the cleavage between cosmopolitans and Communitarians has, so far, not focused on distinction practices between the two groups, which are, however, an important aspect of inter-group conflicts. Based on data from a web-based factorial survey experiment with students living in Berlin, this study examined the signaling value that different lifestyle characteristics have for the cosmopolitans, as well as the impact these characteristics have on their willingness to socially engage with other people. The results show that cosmopolitans interpret lifestyle characteristics as signals to categorize others as either cosmopolitan or communitarian and that they rather interact with other people who have a cosmopolitan lifestyle than with people who do not. Additionally, cosmopolitans interpret the lifestyle characterictics more as signals of political attitudes than as signals of social class positions. In conclusion, their lifestyle enables cosmopolitans to identify group affiliations, to distinguish themselves from the Communitarians, and to draw a social boundary between the two groups

  • Evidence from a Web-Based Factorial Survey Experiment
    2020
    Co-Authors: Ollroge Rasmus
    Abstract:

    Research on the cleavage between cosmopolitans and Communitarians has, so far, not focused on distinction practices between the two groups, which are, however, an important aspect of inter-group conflicts. Based on data from a web-based factorial survey experiment with students living in Berlin, this study examined the signaling value that different lifestyle characteristics have for the cosmopolitans, as well as the impact these characteristics have on their willingness to socially engage with other people. The results show that cosmopolitans interpret lifestyle characteristics as signals to categorize others as either cosmopolitan or communitarian and that they rather interact with other people who have a cosmopolitan lifestyle than with people who do not. Additionally, cosmopolitans interpret the lifestyle characterictics more as signals of political attitudes than as signals of social class positions. In conclusion, their lifestyle enables cosmopolitans to identify group affiliations, to distinguish themselves from the Communitarians, and to draw a social boundary between the two groups.Die Forschung zur Konfliktlinie zwischen Kosmopoliten und Kommunitariern hat bislang kaum die Distinktionspraktiken zwischen den beiden Gruppen betrachtet, die jedoch einen wichtigen Aspekt von Konflikten zwischen sozialen Gruppen ausmachen. Basierend auf Daten eines faktoriellen Surveyexperiments aus einem Web-Survey von Berliner Studierenden untersuchte diese Studie die Signalwerte, die unterschiedliche Lebensstilmerkmale für die Kosmopoliten haben, sowie den Einfluss, den diese Merkmale auf die Bereitschaft der Kosmopoliten haben, mit anderen Personen sozial zu interagieren. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass Kosmopoliten anhand unterschiedlicher Lebensstilmerkmale andere Personen als Kosmopoliten oder Kommunitarier kategorisieren und eher bereit sind, mit denjenigen zu interagieren, die einen ähnlichen kosmopolitischen Lebensstil haben. Zudem interpretieren sie die Lebensstilmerkmale weniger als Signale sozialer Klassenzugehörigkeiten, sondern eher als Signale politischer Einstellungen. Insgesamt fungiert der Lebensstil der Kosmopoliten für sie als Mittel zur Identifikation von Gruppenzugehörigkeiten, zur Distinktion von den Kommunitariern

Amitai Etzioni - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • privacy in a cyber age policy and practice
    2015
    Co-Authors: Amitai Etzioni
    Abstract:

    1. Preface 2. Part I. A Cyber Age Privacy Doctrine 3. Part II. More Coherent, Less Subjective, and Operational 4. Part III. Eight Nails into Katz's Coffin 5. Part IV. Privacy: A Personal Sphere, Not Home-Bound 6. Part V. The Privacy Merchants 7. Part VI. The Private Sector: A Reluctant Partner in Cybersecurity 8. Part VII. Liberal Communitarian Approach to Privacy and Security 9. Part VIII. The Right to Be Forgotten 10. Part IX. Balancing National Security and Individual Rights 11. Part X. DNA Searches: A Liberal Communitarian Approach 12. Acknowledgments

  • a communitarian note on stakeholder theory
    Business Ethics Quarterly, 1998
    Co-Authors: Amitai Etzioni
    Abstract:

    Several powerful arguments have been advanced for a shift from a shareholder approach to a stakeholder approach towards corporate governance. These include the pioneering work by R. Edward Freeman,2 the important analysis based on contract theory by Thomas Donaldson and Thomas Dunfee,3 as well as Max Clarkson,4 the insights of Margaret Blair,5 and most recently an essay by Robert A. Phillips.6 Other fine writings include those by Steven Waliman and others in the Stetson Law Review.7 For an extensive review of the literature and numerous other references, see Donaldson and Preston.8 It should also be noted that Tony Blair stated his support for the stakeholder model.9 Reference here is limited to the literature that focuses on the nonnative issues raised by the stakeholder approach; there is a larger body of writing that deals with pragmatic merits and effects of taking into account the needs and values of various non-shareholder constituencies out of utilitarian consequentalist considerations. Nell Minow makes the distinction clear in legal terms when she points to the difference between allowing corporate executives to take into account the needs of constituents other than the shareholders (e.g. giving money to charity) and legally entitling groups other than the shareholders to have a voice in the management of the corporation.10 This pragmatic literature is not discussed here, as my interest is limited to adding a note to the existing literature that justifies the chartering of stakeholders.

  • the spirit of community rights responsibilities and the communitarian agenda
    Journal of Law and Society, 1996
    Co-Authors: Amitai Etzioni
    Abstract:

    emic circles as Amitai Etzioni's latest manifesto on communitarian politics,' which has finally been published in Britain, more than two years after its initial publication in the United States of America.2 The interest in communitarianism in Britain has grown significantly over the past year. Communitarianism began as a philosophical critique of liberalism and its excesses in neo-liberal political rationality and libertarian legal philosophy.3 As such, communitarianism identified a number of salient philosophical contradictions and ambiguities, with close parallels to some European critical theory.4 As an explicit rejection of New Right politics, Etzioni, and Communitarians more generally, have met with a favourable reception within the Labour Party, as it seeks to redefine itself under the leadership of Tony Blair.5 'New Labour' has seized upon The Spirit of Community as offering something which lies between the untamed 'market' and the outof-favour ideals of'socialist social solidarity'. In this book, Etzioni attempts to go beyond critique and to set out a positive vision of communitarian politics. Consequently, it is a bold, although unfinished, piece of work. It is, however, one which is trapped within a number of empirical, philosophical and political solecisms. The book comes with a very short, four-page preface to the British edition, which identifies a host of prominent people, from across the political spectrum, who claim to have been inspired by it. This should immediately alert the wary or cynical reader as to how an agenda can appeal simultaneously to such diverse interests. The book is divided into three broad

  • the spirit of community rights responsibilities and the communitarian agenda
    1993
    Co-Authors: Amitai Etzioni
    Abstract:

    Communitarianism is a movement, founded by Amitai Etzioni in 1991, whose adherents are united in the belief that the West must balance their passion for individualism with a new sense of social responsibility. Communitarians call for a re-awakening of civic pride and a new awareness of the values and institutions which help sustain us through the uncertainties of the modern world - marriage, schools, the family, neighbourhoods and religious groups.