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Guénette Dave - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • L’exercice de la fonction constituante dans les sociétés fragmentées : contribution à l’étude des procédures de révision constitutionnelle de la Belgique, du Canada et de la Suisse à travers le prisme du fédéralisme consociatif
    2020
    Co-Authors: Guénette Dave
    Abstract:

    This doctoral thesis focuses on constitutional change in divided societies. The aim is to analyse and compare how constitutional change processes are organized in states that are divided along linguistic, ethnic or religious lines. To analyse this problem, we mobilise the theoretical framework of consociational federalism. The latter is a particular articulation of the federal principle that takes shape in accordance with the teachings and postulates of Consociationalism (or consociational democracy). Consociational federalism is particularly relevant to the study of constitutional chance processes in divided societies, since it recommends a set of institutional arrangements and normative proposals that are intended to facilitate the achievement and maintenance of political stability in states marked by important cleavages. Among other things, consociational federalism proposes, as its main normative premise, that political elites from the different segments of the population are more likely to build the consensus necessary for the conduct of state affairs than the population of those same groups. This proposition is central to our demonstration, which seeks to establish the extent to which the role and influence of political elites is a driver of consensus in the constituent process, as well as how people-inclusive constitutional change procedures can be achieved without exacerbating tensions between the demotic segments of a society. Using a comparative approach, we study the constituent processes in place in Belgium, Canada and Switzerland, while also drawing on some other systems. Our results lead us to conclude that the presence of a large consociational coalition is indeed an important driver of consensus, but also that, at times, direct democratic processes can have the effect of accentuating the search for consensus among political elites, and thus become part of a consociational dynamic. We therefore come to confirm the premise underlying Consociationalism, while at the same time tempering it in certain respects.La présente thèse de doctorat porte sur la révision constitutionnelle dans les sociétés fragmentées. Elle ambitionne d’analyser et de comparer de quelle manière sont aménagées les procédures de révision constitutionnelle dans les États qui sont aux prises avec d’importants clivages linguistiques, ethniques ou religieux. Pour analyser cette problématique, nous mobilisons le cadre théorique du fédéralisme consociatif. Ce dernier est une articulation particulière du principe fédératif qui prend forme dans le respect des enseignements et des postulats du Consociationalisme (ou démocratie consociative). Le fédéralisme consociatif est particulièrement pertinent pour étudier les procédures de révision constitutionnelle dans les sociétés fragmentées, puisqu’il recommande un ensemble d’arrangements institutionnels et de propositions normatives qui ont pour vocation de faciliter l’atteinte et le maintien de la stabilité politique dans un État marqué par d’importants clivages. Entre autres choses, le fédéralisme consociatif propose, comme principal postulat normatif, que les élites politiques des différents segments de la population sont plus susceptibles d’établir les consensus nécessaires à la conduite des affaires de l’État que ne l’est la population de ces mêmes groupes. Cette proposition est au cœur de notre démonstration, qui cherche à établir dans quelle mesure le rôle et l’influence des élites politiques sont un moteur de consensus lors du processus constituant, de même que de quelle manière les procédures de révision intégrant le peuple peuvent se faire en évitant d’exacerber les tensions entre les segments démotiques de la société. À partir d’une démarche comparative, nous étudions les processus constituants en place en Belgique, au Canada et en Suisse, tout en nous alimentant de certains autres systèmes. Nos résultats nous amènent à conclure qu’effectivement, la présence d’une grande coalition consociative est un important moteur de consensus, mais également que, parfois, les procédures de démocratie directe peuvent avoir pour effet d’accentuer la recherche de consensus entre élites, et donc de s’inscrire dans une dynamique consociative. Nous en venons donc à confirmer le postulat au fondement du Consociationalisme, tout en le nuançant à certains égards.(DROI - Sciences juridiques) -- UCL, 202

  • L’exercice de la fonction constituante dans les sociétés fragmentées : contribution à l’étude des procédures de révision constitutionnelle de la Belgique, du Canada et de la Suisse à travers le prisme du fédéralisme consociatif
    Bibliotheque de l' Universite Laval, 2020
    Co-Authors: Guénette Dave
    Abstract:

    Thèse en cotutelle : Université Laval, Québec, Canada et Université catholique de Louvain, Louvain-la-Neuve,BelgiqueLa présente thèse de doctorat porte sur la révision constitutionnelle dans les sociétés fragmentées. Elle ambitionne d’analyser et de comparer de quelle manière sont aménagées les procédures de révision constitutionnelle dans les États qui sont aux prises avec d’importants clivages linguistiques, ethniques ou religieux. Pour analyser cette problématique, nous mobilisons le cadre théorique du fédéralisme consociatif. Ce dernier est une articulation particulière du principe fédératif qui prend forme dans le respect des enseignements et des postulats du Consociationalisme (ou démocratie consociative). Le fédéralisme consociatif est particulièrement pertinent pour étudier les procédures de révision constitutionnelle dans les sociétés fragmentées, puisqu’il recommande un ensemble d’arrangements institutionnels et de propositions normatives qui ont pour vocation de faciliter l’atteinte et le maintien de la stabilité politique dans un État marqué par d’importants clivages. Entre autres choses, le fédéralisme consociatif propose, comme principal postulat normatif, que les élites politiques des différents segments de la population sont plus susceptibles d’établir les consensus nécessaires à la conduite des affaires de l’État que ne l’est la population de ces mêmes groupes. Cette proposition est au cœur de notre démonstration, qui cherche à établir dans quelle mesure le rôle et l’influence des élites politiques sont un moteur de consensus lors du processus constituant, de même que de quelle manière les procédures de révision intégrant le peuple peuvent se faire en évitant d’exacerber les tensions entre les segments démotiques de la société. À partir d’une démarche comparative, nous étudions les processus constituants en place en Belgique, au Canada et en Suisse, tout en nous alimentant de certains autres systèmes. Nos résultats nous amènent à conclure qu’effectivement, la présence d’une grande coalition consociative est un important moteur de consensus, mais également que, parfois, les procédures de démocratie directe peuvent avoir pour effet d’accentuer la recherche de consensus entre élites, et donc de s’inscrire dans une dynamique consociative. Nous en venons donc à confirmer le postulat au fondement du Consociationalisme, tout en le nuançant à certains égards.This doctoral thesis focuses on constitutional change in divided societies. The aim is to analyse and compare how constitutional change processes are organized in states that are divided along linguistic, ethnic or religious lines. To analyse this problem, we mobilise the theoretical framework of consociational federalism. The latter is a particular articulation of the federal principle that takes shape in accordance with the teachings and postulates of Consociationalism (or consociational democracy). Consociational federalism is particularly relevant to the study of constitutional chance processes in divided societies, since it recommends a set of institutional arrangements and normative proposals that are intended to facilitate the achievement and maintenance of political stability in states marked by important cleavages. Among other things, consociational federalism proposes, as its main normative premise, that political elites from the different segments of the population are more likely to build the consensus necessary for the conduct of state affairs than the population of those same groups. This proposition is central to our demonstration, which seeks to establish the extent to which the role and influence of political elites is a driver of consensus in the constituent process, as well as how people-inclusive constitutional change procedures can be achieved without exacerbating tensions between the demotic segments of a society. Using a comparative approach, we study the constituent processes in place in Belgium, Canada and Switzerland, while also drawing on some other systems. Our results lead us to conclude that the presence of a large consociational coalition is indeed an important driver of consensus, but also that, at times, direct democratic processes can have the effect of accentuating the search for consensus among political elites, and thus become part of a consociational dynamic. We therefore come to confirm the premise underlying Consociationalism, while at the same time tempering it in certain respect

Musah Halidu - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • Democratic Governance and Conflict Resistance in Conflict-prone Societies : A Consociational Analysis of the Experiences of Ghana in West Africa (1992-2016)
    2020
    Co-Authors: Musah Halidu
    Abstract:

    Résumé Les conflits font partie intégrante de toutes les activités de la société. Ces conflits, cependant, deviennent indésirables lorsqu'ils parcourent la ligne de destruction élargie des biens et des personnes. La démocratie est un mécanisme visant à réglementer les opinions dissidentes et à harmoniser les intérêts multigrades pour une coexistence réussie et un développement national. La littérature suggère que la démocratisation est très difficile, sinon impossible, dans les sociétés pluralistes ou à clivage multiple. Pour surmonter cette difficulté, le Consociationalisme a été suggéré comme une panacée qui permet un partage équitable formel du pouvoir et des ressources publiques parmi les facettes reconnues de la société plurielle. Sans cela, on suppose que toute tentative de démocratie est susceptible de s'effondrer et d'échouer. Le Ghana est un pays multiethnique avec au moins 92 groupes ethniques différents qui défie apparemment le raisonnement fondamental de la démocratisation consociative, parce qu'il a pratiqué la démocratie avec succès depuis plus de 25 ans sans nécessairement adopter des modèles consociatifs formels. Cette thèse situe le Ghana dans ce contexte théorique et examine les raisons de son succès malgré l'écart théorique par rapport au Consociationalisme. L'approche de la méthode mixte a été adoptée dans l'étude, et 542 répondants ont été choisis à dessein pour l'observation. Les données recueillies par l'administration des questionnaires des entrevues ont révélé que le Ghana n'a pas connu de conflits violents à l'échelle nationale malgré les conflits ponctués à travers le pays en raison de la nature même de ses conflits internes; donc circonscrits par les circonstances géographiques, les causes des conflits, et les l'acteurs impliqués. Deuxièmement, l'étude révèle que, malgré l'existence de multiples clivages sociaux au Ghana, l'interaction sociale entre les personnes met plus d’accent sur les liens transversaux qui existent parmi les individus que sur les clivages qui les divisent, même s’il existe une prise de conscience du clivage élevée dans la société ghanéenne. En outre, la disposition constitutionnelle pour la démocratisation au Ghana englobe préalablement l'intérêt national au-dessus des intérêts de clivage. Elle interdit aussi les organisations politiques basées sur les clivages sociales. L'étude recommande qu'une plus grande attention soit accordée à l'éducation à la paix dans tout le pays, en impliquant formellement dans ce processus les pertinentes institutions traditionnelles et modernes, toutes formelles qu’informelles, au niveau de base de la société. Il est également impératif d'aborder d'urgence les causes profondes de la myriade de conflits qui couvrent la longueur et l'étendue du pays pour leur résolution durable afin d'améliorer la démocratisation pacifique. Les politiciens devraient éviter de s'immiscer dans les conflits locaux et permettre aux dispositions institutionnelles établies par le système démocratique ghanéen de traiter de manière décisive avec les questions de conflit.Abstract Conflicts are part and parcel of every societal endeavour. These conflicts however, become undesirable when they travel along the widening line of destruction of property and persons. Democracy is one mechanism aimed at regulating dissenting views and harmonising multi-group interests for successful, peaceful coexistence and national development. There is growing establishment in the literature that democratisation is very difficult, if not impossible, in pluralistic or multi-cleavage societies. To surmount this difficulty, Consociationalism has been suggested as a panacea which allows formal equitable sharing of power and public resources among recognised facets of the plural society. Without this, it is assumed any attempt at democracy is most likely to crumble and fail. Ghana is a multi-ethnic country with at least 92 different ethnic groups which is seemingly defying the basic reasoning of consociational democratisation because it has successfully practised democracy for over 25 years without necessarily adopting formal consociational models. This thesis situated Ghana within this theoretical context and examined the reasons behind Ghana’s democratic success despite the theoretical deviation from Consociationalism. Mixed-method approach was adopted in the study, and 542 respondents were purposefully selected for observation. Data gathered through interview and questionnaire administration revealed that Ghana has not experienced nation-wide violent conflicts in spite of the dotted conflicts across the country due to the very nature of its internal conflicts; thus circumscribed by the geographical, issue, and actor-based circumstances. Second, the study found that despite the existence of multiple social cleavages in Ghana, social interaction among the people places emphasis on crosscutting ties that exist among them, than on the cleavages that divide them even if cleavage awareness is high in Ghanaian society. In addition, constitutional framework for democratisation in Ghana formerly enshrines national interest above cleavage interests and prohibits political organisations based on cleavages. The study recommends that more attention be paid to peace education across the country by formally involving both relevant formal and informal traditional and modern institutions at the basic level of society in this peace education process. It is also imperative to address as a matter of urgency the root causes of the myriad of conflicts that span the length and breadth of the country for their sustainable resolution to enhance peaceful democratisation. Politicians should avoid meddling in local conflicts and allow the institutional frameworks established by the Ghanaian democratic system to deal decisively with conflict issue

  • Gouvernance démocratique et résistance aux conflits dans les sociétés enclines aux conflits : Une analyse consociationnelle des expériences du Ghana en Afrique de l'Ouest (1992-2016)
    2018
    Co-Authors: Musah Halidu
    Abstract:

    Résumé Les conflits font partie intégrante de toutes les activités de la société. Ces conflits, cependant, deviennent indésirables lorsqu'ils parcourent la ligne de destruction élargie des biens et des personnes. La démocratie est un mécanisme visant à réglementer les opinions dissidentes et à harmoniser les intérêts multigrades pour une coexistence réussie et un développement national. La littérature suggère que la démocratisation est très difficile, sinon impossible, dans les sociétés pluralistes ou à clivage multiple. Pour surmonter cette difficulté, le Consociationalisme a été suggéré comme une panacée qui permet un partage équitable formel du pouvoir et des ressources publiques parmi les facettes reconnues de la société plurielle. Sans cela, on suppose que toute tentative de démocratie est susceptible de s'effondrer et d'échouer. Le Ghana est un pays multiethnique avec au moins 92 groupes ethniques différents qui défie apparemment le raisonnement fondamental de la démocratisation consociative, parce qu'il a pratiqué la démocratie avec succès depuis plus de 25 ans sans nécessairement adopter des modèles consociatifs formels. Cette thèse situe le Ghana dans ce contexte théorique et examine les raisons de son succès malgré l'écart théorique par rapport au Consociationalisme. L'approche de la méthode mixte a été adoptée dans l'étude, et 542 répondants ont été choisis à dessein pour l'observation. Les données recueillies par l'administration des questionnaires des entrevues ont révélé que le Ghana n'a pas connu de conflits violents à l'échelle nationale malgré les conflits ponctués à travers le pays en raison de la nature même de ses conflits internes; donc circonscrits par les circonstances géographiques, les causes des conflits, et les l'acteurs impliqués. Deuxièmement, l'étude révèle que, malgré l'existence de multiples clivages sociaux au Ghana, l'interaction sociale entre les personnes met plus d’accent sur les liens transversaux qui existent parmi les individus que sur les clivages qui les divisent, même s’il existe une prise de conscience du clivage élevée dans la société ghanéenne. En outre, la disposition constitutionnelle pour la démocratisation au Ghana englobe préalablement l'intérêt national au-dessus des intérêts de clivage. Elle interdit aussi les organisations politiques basées sur les clivages sociales. L'étude recommande qu'une plus grande attention soit accordée à l'éducation à la paix dans tout le pays, en impliquant formellement dans ce processus les pertinentes institutions traditionnelles et modernes, toutes formelles qu’informelles, au niveau de base de la société. Il est également impératif d'aborder d'urgence les causes profondes de la myriade de conflits qui couvrent la longueur et l'étendue du pays pour leur résolution durable afin d'améliorer la démocratisation pacifique. Les politiciens devraient éviter de s'immiscer dans les conflits locaux et permettre aux dispositions institutionnelles établies par le système démocratique ghanéen de traiter de manière décisive avec les questions de conflit.Abstract Conflicts are part and parcel of every societal endeavour. These conflicts however, become undesirable when they travel along the widening line of destruction of property and persons. Democracy is one mechanism aimed at regulating dissenting views and harmonising multi-group interests for successful, peaceful coexistence and national development. There is growing establishment in the literature that democratisation is very difficult, if not impossible, in pluralistic or multi-cleavage societies. To surmount this difficulty, Consociationalism has been suggested as a panacea which allows formal equitable sharing of power and public resources among recognised facets of the plural society. Without this, it is assumed any attempt at democracy is most likely to crumble and fail. Ghana is a multi-ethnic country with at least 92 different ethnic groups which is seemingly defying the basic reasoning of consociational democratisation because it has successfully practised democracy for over 25 years without necessarily adopting formal consociational models. This thesis situated Ghana within this theoretical context and examined the reasons behind Ghana’s democratic success despite the theoretical deviation from Consociationalism. Mixed-method approach was adopted in the study, and 542 respondents were purposefully selected for observation. Data gathered through interview and questionnaire administration revealed that Ghana has not experienced nation-wide violent conflicts in spite of the dotted conflicts across the country due to the very nature of its internal conflicts; thus circumscribed by the geographical, issue, and actor-based circumstances. Second, the study found that despite the existence of multiple social cleavages in Ghana, social interaction among the people places emphasis on crosscutting ties that exist among them, than on the cleavages that divide them even if cleavage awareness is high in Ghanaian society. In addition, constitutional framework for democratisation in Ghana formerly enshrines national interest above cleavage interests and prohibits political organisations based on cleavages. The study recommends that more attention be paid to peace education across the country by formally involving both relevant formal and informal traditional and modern institutions at the basic level of society in this peace education process. It is also imperative to address as a matter of urgency the root causes of the myriad of conflicts that span the length and breadth of the country for their sustainable resolution to enhance peaceful democratisation. Politicians should avoid meddling in local conflicts and allow the institutional frameworks established by the Ghanaian democratic system to deal decisively with conflict issue

Trzcinski Krzysztof - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • What is Power Sharing? Consociationalism, Centripetalism, and Hybrid Power Sharing
    2018
    Co-Authors: Trzcinski Krzysztof
    Abstract:

    In this article, the author analyzes the term "power-sharing" in the context of power exercised within a state. He first examines the term in the very general sense, in which it can be applied to all types and dimensions of sharing of power between various groups and institutional entities. Second, the author examines the meaning of the term in the narrow sense, that is, the phenomenon of systemic sharing of power by groups (segments) whose membership is based on ascribed criteria such as common ancestors, relatives, or racial background, and/or cultural ones such as a common language, religion, or celebrations. The basic segmental units in this sense are nations (understood in the sociological sense), ethnic groups, or religious and denominational communities that form part of divided societies. Third, the article shows the differences between the principal models (types) of power-sharing in the narrow sense: Consociationalism, centripetalism, and hybrid power-sharing

  • What is power sharing? : Consociationalism, centripetalism, and hybrid power sharing
    2018
    Co-Authors: Trzcinski Krzysztof
    Abstract:

    In this article the author analyzes the term "power sharing" (PS) in the context of power exercised within a state. He Þ rst examines the term in the very general sense, in which it can be applied to all types and dimensions of power sharing between various groups and institutional entities. Second, the author examines the meaning of the term in the narrow sense, that is, the phenomenon of systemic power sharing by groups (segments) whose membership is based on ascribed criteria such as common ancestors, relatives, or racial background, and/or cultural ones such as a common language, religion, or celebrations. The basic segmental units in this sense are nations (understood in the sociological sense), ethnic groups, or religious and denominational communities that form part of divided societies. Third, the article shows the differences between the principal models (types) of PS in the narrow sense: Consociationalism, centripetalism, and hybrid power sharing

  • Hybrid Power Sharing: On How to Stabilize the Political Situation in Multi-Segmental Societies
    2018
    Co-Authors: Trzcinski Krzysztof
    Abstract:

    There are various ways of reducing conflicts and of stabilizing the political situation in states where society is made up of many different ethnic groups and religious communities, and where relations between these segments – or between them and the central government – are tense. A particularly important way is the establishment in those states of a political system based on power-sharing (PS), which allows members of various ethnic and religious segments to take part in the exercise of power. The literature on the subject usually discusses two models of PS: Consociationalism and centripetalism. A third model is encountered in practice, however, that of hybrid power-sharing (HPS), which combines the institutions of the first two. The main objective of this article is to explain the nature and origins of HPS

  • Hybrid Power-Sharing in Indonesia
    2017
    Co-Authors: Trzcinski Krzysztof
    Abstract:

    The aim of this study is to demonstrate the validity of the thesis that in Indonesia one can find institutions that characterize two power-sharing models which are considered opposites of one another in political theory – centripetalism and Consociationalism. In consequence, the Indonesian power-sharing system should be viewed as a hybrid, or mixed, system, and not a typically centripetal system as is usually the case in the literature. At the beginning of this article, a short analysis of Indonesia’s political situation is given for the purpose of defining the factors which determined the introduction of inter-segmental power-sharing arrangements in that country. This is followed by a description of the specificity of Consociationalism and centripetalism. The article goes on to discuss specific institutions of both power-sharing models that exist in Indonesia and ends with some concluding remarks on the thesis advanced at the outset. The article has been published in "Polish Political Science Yearbook" 2017, vol. 46, no. 1, pp. 168–185. For more on combining institutions of different models of power-sharing see: Krzysztof Trzcinski, Hybrid Power Sharing: On How to Stabilize the Political Situation in Multi-Segmental Societies, "Politeja" 2018, vol. 56, no. 5, pp. 86-10

John F Nagle - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • crafting radical opposition or reproducing homonormativity Consociationalism and lgbt rights activism in lebanon
    Journal of Human Rights, 2018
    Co-Authors: John F Nagle
    Abstract:

    ABSTRACTThere is little research on the struggles surrounding gay rights in divided societies emerging from intrastate conflict and characterized by consociational power sharing, which allocates rights to the main ethnic groups. While consociational arrangements – predicated on a minority rights regime – theoretically open up constitutional space for LGBT rights, they often negate such possibilities by empowering ethnic hardliners opposed to sexual minorities. This article explores how Lebanese LGBT activists conceptualize rights and craft mobilization tactics and strategies. I focus on an “identity dilemma” faced by Lebanese activists: to create a public identity for rights demands or to elide such a process. While the former strategy seeks openings in the power sharing structure, the latter aims for a radical form of resistance against the sectarianism of Consociationalism. Activists pursuing the latter strategy, moreover, see Consociationalism as encouraging an LGBT mobilization that reproduces the sec...

  • what are the consequences of Consociationalism for sexual minorities an analysis of liberal and corporate Consociationalism and sexual minorities in northern ireland and lebanon
    Political Studies, 2016
    Co-Authors: John F Nagle
    Abstract:

    Existing research on Consociationalism largely debates whether or not it exacerbates ethnic cleavages. Yet, although power sharing in some circumstances can harden ethnonational identities, a correlative consequence may be to further marginalise groups outside the bounds of official inclusion. While an emerging corpus of literature looks at women and power sharing, little research has been done regarding the implications of power sharing for sexual minorities. I argue in this article that Consociationalism does impact on sexual minorities in complex ways. To account for variations in types of Consociationalism, I examine two divergent forms – liberal and corporate – that demonstrate differences in relation to sexual minorities. Thus, I compare sexual minorities within Northern Ireland’s liberal structure with those in Lebanon’s corporate form. I find that differences between liberal and corporate consociations generate important, albeit complicated, implications for sexual minorities.

  • from secessionist mobilization to substate nationalism assessing the impact of Consociationalism and devolution on irish nationalism in northern ireland
    Social Science Research Network, 2015
    Co-Authors: John F Nagle
    Abstract:

    This paper explores the decline of Irish Catholics in Northern Ireland identifying with Irish unity. This paper argues that Consociationalism, albeit within the framework of devolution, may have expedited a change in nationalist identities. Thus, while Consociationalism is often accused of primordialism - of freezing and reifying ethnic identity and thus encouraging hardline ethnic parties - this paper argues that it may, under certain conditions, encourage less antagonistic identities. As part of this dynamic, we argue that power sharing in Northern Ireland has led to the main Nationalist parties mobilising on a regional rather than overtly nationalist basis. However, at the same time, there is no sign of the main ethnic cleavages weakening in Northern Ireland as inter party competition now focusses on gaining resources for the ethnie in the context of substate devolution.

  • from secessionist mobilization to sub state nationalism assessing the impact of Consociationalism and devolution on irish nationalism in northern ireland
    Regional & Federal Studies, 2013
    Co-Authors: John F Nagle
    Abstract:

    Survey evidence has demonstrated that support for a united Ireland from Catholics in Northern Ireland is markedly declining. Simultaneously, electoral support for the secessionist Sinn Fein party has substantially risen in the region since 1998. Critics have attributed Sinn Fein's electoral growth to consociational power sharing, which they argue rewards ethnic hardline parties. At the same time, many of these critics predicted that Consociationalism would exacerbate secessionist sentiment within nationalism, a prognostication now contradicted by survey data. In analysing this paradox, we argue that there is not a switching of identities—from Irish nationalism to UK unionism—but the repositioning of Irish nationalism from a secessionist movement to a sub-state nationalism mobilizing for more resources within devolution. In explaining this, we illuminate how Consociationalism allied to devolution can, if the right endogenous and exogenous supporting factors are mobilized, lead to the repositioning of ident...

Aras, Francisco Ignacio - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • Una constitución para la paz: federalismo y consociacitivismo en Bosnia y Herzegovina
    2020
    Co-Authors: Aras, Francisco Ignacio
    Abstract:

    The present paper draws on the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, resulted from the Dayton Peace Agreement, in order to explain how the elements of federalism and Consociationalism can become important tools in the field of transitional justice. By combining federalism and Consociationalism, it will be demonstrated how shared-rule and self-rule can be useful in addressing the demands of territorially concentrated ethnic groups for more autonomy and self-government, while at the same time preserving the territorial integrity of the state. It also explains the role of post-conflict constitutional design processes on their ability to reconcile groups, to address intolerable grievances and to prevent further polarization by providing a common vision of the future of a state.El presente artículo analiza la Constitución de Bosnia y Herzegovina, producto del Acuerdo de Paz de Dayton, con el objeto de explicar cómo los elementos del federalismo y el consociaciativismo pueden convertirse en herramientas fundamentales en el ámbito de la justicia transicional. Al combinar el federalismo y el consociacitivismo, se tratará de mostrar cómo el gobierno compartido y el autogobierno pueden ser útiles para abordar las demandas de más autonomía y autogobierno por parte de los grupos étnicos concentrados territorialmente, al tiempo que preservan la integridad territorial del estado. También explica el rol que ocupan los procesos de diseño constitucional posconflicto para reconciliar diferentes grupos, abordar agravios intolerables y prevenir una mayor polarización al proporcionar una visión común de futuro para un estado.Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas y Sociale