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Danner, Leno Francisco - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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"Alguém tem de dizer aos negros a verdade": Olavo de Carvalho sobre a contribuição negro-africana à cultura ocidental
'Griot Revista de Filosofia', 2021Co-Authors: Danner Fernando, Danner, Leno FranciscoAbstract:In the paper, we will study Olavo de Carvalho’s thought, focusing on his position regarding Brazilian and American Black movement in its struggle for reparation in terms of colonialism-slavery-racism. We will argue that his refusal of any reparatory praxis to political-Cultural Minorities and his position of a non-place for Black-African traditions in the context of Western culture/civilization, as with respect to his defense of the inferiority of Black-African culture-civilization when compared to Jewish-Christian, Greek-Latin and Medieval-Renaissance tradition, is pervaded by a dualist metaphysics with a highly anti-modern and anti-modernizing character, in which the dynamic of streamlining of "human drama about universe and eternity" is constituted (a) by the struggle between natural necessity (Behemont) and individual consciousness (Leviathan), that can only be won by the correlation of divine grace given by Jesus Christ and personal direct and immediate interiorization and intuition by each individual with God; (b) by the refusal of politics, history and intersubjective action as basically materialism and, in this sense, as the sphere of totalitarian political ideologies (to which Enlightnment modernity is the biggest example); and, finally, (d) by the centrality of spiritualism, of intimate and direct relation between God and man, mediated by Revelation, which points to the non-existence, in the Olavo de Carvalho' thought, of objective parameters to rational discussion, interaction and justification - that is the reason of his delegitimation of science, politics, history and macro-structural institutional action, and his appeal to methodological, intuitionist and spiritualist individualism
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“Alguém tem de dizer aos negros a verdade”: Olavo de Carvalho sobre a contribui-ção negro-africana à cultura ocidental
'Griot Revista de Filosofia', 2021Co-Authors: Danner Fernando, Danner, Leno FranciscoAbstract:In the paper, we will study Olavo de Carvalho’s thought, focusing on his position regarding Brazilian and American Black movement in its struggle for reparation in terms of colonialism-slavery-racism. We will argue that his refusal of any reparatory praxis to political-Cultural Minorities and his position of a non-place for Black-African traditions in the context of Western culture/civilization, as with respect to his defense of the inferiority of Black-African culture-civilization when compared to Jewish-Christian, Greek-Latin and Medieval-Renaissance tradition, is pervaded by a dualist metaphysics with a highly anti-modern and anti-modernizing character, in which the dynamic of streamlining of “human drama about universe and eternity” is constituted (a) by the struggle between natural necessity (Behemont) and individual consciousness (Leviathan), that can only be won by the correlation of divine grace given by Jesus Christ and personal direct and immediate interiorization and intuition by each individual with God; (b) by the refusal of politics, history and intersubjective action as basically materialism and, in this sense, as the sphere of totalitarian political ideologies (to which Enlightnment modernity is the biggest example); and, finally, (d) by the centrality of spiritualism, of intimate and direct relation between God and man, mediated by Revelation, which points to the non-existence, in the Olavo de Carvalho’ thought, of objective parameters to rational discussion, interaction and justification – that is the reason of his delegitimation of science, politics, history and macro-structural institutional action, and his appeal to methodological, intuitionist and spiritualist individualism.No artigo, estudaremos o pensamento filosófico de Olavo de Carvalho, especialmente no que concerne à sua posição frente ao movimento negro brasileiro e norte-americano em sua luta por reparação pelo colonialismo-escravismo-racismo. Argumentaremos que sua recusa de qualquer práxis reparatória para com as minorias político-culturais e sua posição de um não-lugar das tradições negro-africanas no contexto da cultura/civilização ocidental, incluindo-se sua defesa da inferioridade da cultura/civilização negro-africana quando comparada com a tradição judaico-cristã, greco-latina e medieval-renascentista, são fundadas por uma metafísica dualista com caráter altamente antimoderno e antimodernizante, em que a dinâmica específica que perpassa o “drama humano frente ao universo e à eternidade” se caracteriza (a) pela luta entre necessidade natural (Behemot) e consciência individual (Leviatã), a qual só pode ser vencida pela correlação de graça divina por Jesus Cristo e interiorização e intuição pessoais, diretas, imediatas e imediadas por parte de cada indivíduo para com Deus; (b) pela recusa da política, da história e da ação intersubjetiva, afirmadas como materialismo e, nesse sentido, como lugar das ideologias políticas totalitárias (do qual a modernidade iluminista é o maior exemplo); e, finalmente, (c) pela centralidade do espiritualismo, da relação íntima e direta entre Deus e homem, mediada pela Revelação, o que aponta para a inexistência, no pensamento de Olavo de Carvalho, de parâmetros objetivos de discussão, de interação e de justificação racionais – daí, inclusive, sua deslegitimação da ciência, da política, da história e da ação institucional macroestrutural, e seu apelo ao individualismo metodológico intuicionista-espiritualista
Danner Fernando - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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"Alguém tem de dizer aos negros a verdade": Olavo de Carvalho sobre a contribuição negro-africana à cultura ocidental
'Griot Revista de Filosofia', 2021Co-Authors: Danner Fernando, Danner, Leno FranciscoAbstract:In the paper, we will study Olavo de Carvalho’s thought, focusing on his position regarding Brazilian and American Black movement in its struggle for reparation in terms of colonialism-slavery-racism. We will argue that his refusal of any reparatory praxis to political-Cultural Minorities and his position of a non-place for Black-African traditions in the context of Western culture/civilization, as with respect to his defense of the inferiority of Black-African culture-civilization when compared to Jewish-Christian, Greek-Latin and Medieval-Renaissance tradition, is pervaded by a dualist metaphysics with a highly anti-modern and anti-modernizing character, in which the dynamic of streamlining of "human drama about universe and eternity" is constituted (a) by the struggle between natural necessity (Behemont) and individual consciousness (Leviathan), that can only be won by the correlation of divine grace given by Jesus Christ and personal direct and immediate interiorization and intuition by each individual with God; (b) by the refusal of politics, history and intersubjective action as basically materialism and, in this sense, as the sphere of totalitarian political ideologies (to which Enlightnment modernity is the biggest example); and, finally, (d) by the centrality of spiritualism, of intimate and direct relation between God and man, mediated by Revelation, which points to the non-existence, in the Olavo de Carvalho' thought, of objective parameters to rational discussion, interaction and justification - that is the reason of his delegitimation of science, politics, history and macro-structural institutional action, and his appeal to methodological, intuitionist and spiritualist individualism
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“Alguém tem de dizer aos negros a verdade”: Olavo de Carvalho sobre a contribui-ção negro-africana à cultura ocidental
'Griot Revista de Filosofia', 2021Co-Authors: Danner Fernando, Danner, Leno FranciscoAbstract:In the paper, we will study Olavo de Carvalho’s thought, focusing on his position regarding Brazilian and American Black movement in its struggle for reparation in terms of colonialism-slavery-racism. We will argue that his refusal of any reparatory praxis to political-Cultural Minorities and his position of a non-place for Black-African traditions in the context of Western culture/civilization, as with respect to his defense of the inferiority of Black-African culture-civilization when compared to Jewish-Christian, Greek-Latin and Medieval-Renaissance tradition, is pervaded by a dualist metaphysics with a highly anti-modern and anti-modernizing character, in which the dynamic of streamlining of “human drama about universe and eternity” is constituted (a) by the struggle between natural necessity (Behemont) and individual consciousness (Leviathan), that can only be won by the correlation of divine grace given by Jesus Christ and personal direct and immediate interiorization and intuition by each individual with God; (b) by the refusal of politics, history and intersubjective action as basically materialism and, in this sense, as the sphere of totalitarian political ideologies (to which Enlightnment modernity is the biggest example); and, finally, (d) by the centrality of spiritualism, of intimate and direct relation between God and man, mediated by Revelation, which points to the non-existence, in the Olavo de Carvalho’ thought, of objective parameters to rational discussion, interaction and justification – that is the reason of his delegitimation of science, politics, history and macro-structural institutional action, and his appeal to methodological, intuitionist and spiritualist individualism.No artigo, estudaremos o pensamento filosófico de Olavo de Carvalho, especialmente no que concerne à sua posição frente ao movimento negro brasileiro e norte-americano em sua luta por reparação pelo colonialismo-escravismo-racismo. Argumentaremos que sua recusa de qualquer práxis reparatória para com as minorias político-culturais e sua posição de um não-lugar das tradições negro-africanas no contexto da cultura/civilização ocidental, incluindo-se sua defesa da inferioridade da cultura/civilização negro-africana quando comparada com a tradição judaico-cristã, greco-latina e medieval-renascentista, são fundadas por uma metafísica dualista com caráter altamente antimoderno e antimodernizante, em que a dinâmica específica que perpassa o “drama humano frente ao universo e à eternidade” se caracteriza (a) pela luta entre necessidade natural (Behemot) e consciência individual (Leviatã), a qual só pode ser vencida pela correlação de graça divina por Jesus Cristo e interiorização e intuição pessoais, diretas, imediatas e imediadas por parte de cada indivíduo para com Deus; (b) pela recusa da política, da história e da ação intersubjetiva, afirmadas como materialismo e, nesse sentido, como lugar das ideologias políticas totalitárias (do qual a modernidade iluminista é o maior exemplo); e, finalmente, (c) pela centralidade do espiritualismo, da relação íntima e direta entre Deus e homem, mediada pela Revelação, o que aponta para a inexistência, no pensamento de Olavo de Carvalho, de parâmetros objetivos de discussão, de interação e de justificação racionais – daí, inclusive, sua deslegitimação da ciência, da política, da história e da ação institucional macroestrutural, e seu apelo ao individualismo metodológico intuicionista-espiritualista
Pacheco Canals I Jordi - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Els efectes democràtics de les deliberacions institucionals en la inclusió multiCultural
'Edicions de la Universitat de Barcelona', 2017Co-Authors: Pacheco Canals I JordiAbstract:[cat] La tesi doctoral explora les relacions entre democràcia i multiCulturalitat, en especial l’originada per les migracions. Aquesta relació és rellevant com a objecte d’investigació perquè la dimensió Cultural del principi de sobirania provoca exclusions en el reconeixement formal o en l’exercici dels drets de ciutadania. La hipòtesi és que l’ús intensiu de la participació deliberativa té l’efecte d’integrar políticament societats diverses, el que requereix demostrar la possibilitat fàctica de deliberacions institucionals inclusives de la diversitat i on tots els participants es trobin en iguals condicions de llibertat expressiva. S'estructura en tres capítols: 1. “La integració política d’immigrants i minories Culturals” analitza les dinàmiques d’exclusió i integració política en els estats-nació i la relació entre drets de ciutadania i nacionalitat, que vénen definides segons els diferents models de construcció d’identitat Cultural. Però el model predominant a cada país és canviant, producte de les dinàmiques comunicatives de cada moment, de forma que la desigualtat comunicativa de la població objecte d’estudi explica la seva desigualtat política. La conclusió és que el diàleg interCultural en condicions d'igualtat és clau per a la integració política ja que, a diferència del dret de sufragi, s'accepta la legitimitat universal per participar en activitats dialògiques, el que facilita l’adaptació de l’esfera pública a la multiCulturalitat. 2. “La capacitat inclusiva dels debats socials” posa a prova l’esperança dipositada en el diàleg interCultural. El capítol comprova si les teories deliberatives, tant les inicials com les seves evolucions, permetrien normativament la plena inclusió democràtica de tota la població en societats multiCulturals, el que no és evident per una sèrie de límits i condicions. Posteriorment, analitza les deliberacions en la participació ciutadana institucional i determina les condicions necessàries per a què siguin realment inclusives. Es confirmen alguns elements clau, com els canvis en els preferències dels participants, però la relació entre més participació ciutadana i més integració no és automàtica perquè la participació pot ser selectiva socialment. Per ser inclusiva, el seu disseny i metodologia han d'aconseguir grups representatius del conjunt de la població tant des del punt de vista de la representació descriptiva com de la representació substancial i han de generar dinàmiques macrocomunicatives que connectin els micropúblics amb el conjunt de la població. 3. En “Mecanismes deliberatius per superar la posició de desigualtat política d’immigrants, religioses i minories Culturals” es descriu la realitat empírica dels instruments participatius per a la integració. Des de finals de la dècada dels 1960 han aparegut multitud de consells per a la integració o d’immigrants, dels quals se'n ressegueix l’origen i evolució i se n’elabora una tipologia. Atès que el disseny d’aquests consells es basa en una tradició pròpia, al marge de la tradició acadèmica i empírica deliberativa, han tingut un rendiment institucional baix. Per aconseguir l'objectiu integrador buscat, s'assenyalen els elements a incorporar en el seu disseny i metodologia, d'acord amb les conclusions del capítol anterior i essent conscients que els efectes es produeixen a llarg termini.[eng] This doctoral thesis discusses the relationships between democracy and multiCulturalism, in particular those arising from migration. This relationship is relevant as a subject for research as the Cultural dimension of the principle of sovereignty produces exclusions in the formal recognition and exercise of citizenship rights. The hypothesis is that the intensive use of deliberative participation has the effect of politically integrating diverse societies, which requires demonstrating that institutionalized deliberation can be indeed inclusive of diversity and where all participants are in equal conditions of freedom of speech. The thesis is structured into three chapters: 1- “The political integration of immigrants and Cultural Minorities” analyses the dynamics of political exclusion and integration in nation states and the relationship between citizenship rights and nationality, which are defined by different models of constructing national identity. However, the predominant model in each country changes at any given time as a result of communicative dynamics, so that communicative inequality among the study’s target population explains their political inequality. The conclusion is that interCultural dialogue under equal terms is the key to political integration and that, unlike the right to vote, the universal legitimacy to participate in dialogue is accepted, thus facilitating the adaptation of the public sphere to multiCulturalism. 2. “The inclusive capacity of social debates” examines the expectations placed on interCultural dialogue. The chapter tests whether both initial debate theories and their developments would normatively permit full democratic inclusion of the whole population in multiCultural societies, something that is not evident due to a series of limitations and conditions. Following on from this, the debates in institutional citizens’ participation are analysed and the conditions required for them to be truly inclusive are determined. A number of key elements are confirmed, such as changes in participants’ preferences; however, the relationship between more participation and more integration is not automatic, as participation can be socially selective. For such participation to be inclusive, its design and methodology must produce groups that are representative of the whole population, in terms of both descriptive and substantial representation, and must generative macro-communicative dynamics that connect micro-publics with the overall population. 3. “Deliberative mechanisms to overcome the position of political inequality of immigrants and Cultural and national Minorities” describes the empirical reality of participatory instruments for integration. Since the end of the 1960s, a large number of immigrants’ councils and councils for integration have been created, whose origin is outlined and then categorised. Given that the design of such councils is based on their own specific tradition, outside academic tradition and deliberative practical expertise, their institutional performance has been poor. The elements that need to be incorporated into their design and methodology to achieve the sought goal of integration are indicated, following the conclusions of the previous chapter and bearing in mind that effects will arise only at long-term
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Els efectes democràtics de les deliberacions institucionals en la inclusió multiCultural
'Edicions de la Universitat de Barcelona', 2016Co-Authors: Pacheco Canals I JordiAbstract:La tesi doctoral explora les relacions entre democràcia i multiCulturalitat, en especial l’originada per les migracions. Aquesta relació és rellevant com a objecte d’investigació perquè la dimensió Cultural del principi de sobirania provoca exclusions en el reconeixement formal o en l’exercici dels drets de ciutadania. La hipòtesi és que l’ús intensiu de la participació deliberativa té l’efecte d’integrar políticament societats diverses, el que requereix demostrar la possibilitat fàctica de deliberacions institucionals inclusives de la diversitat i on tots els participants es trobin en iguals condicions de llibertat expressiva. S'estructura en tres capítols: 1. “La integració política d’immigrants i minories Culturals” analitza les dinàmiques d’exclusió i integració política en els estats-nació i la relació entre drets de ciutadania i nacionalitat, que vénen definides segons els diferents models de construcció d’identitat Cultural. Però el model predominant a cada país és canviant, producte de les dinàmiques comunicatives de cada moment, de forma que la desigualtat comunicativa de la població objecte d’estudi explica la seva desigualtat política. La conclusió és que el diàleg interCultural en condicions d'igualtat és clau per a la integració política ja que, a diferència del dret de sufragi, s'accepta la legitimitat universal per participar en activitats dialògiques, el que facilita l’adaptació de l’esfera pública a la multiCulturalitat. 2. “La capacitat inclusiva dels debats socials” posa a prova l’esperança dipositada en el diàleg interCultural. El capítol comprova si les teories deliberatives, tant les inicials com les seves evolucions, permetrien normativament la plena inclusió democràtica de tota la població en societats multiCulturals, el que no és evident per una sèrie de límits i condicions. Posteriorment, analitza les deliberacions en la participació ciutadana institucional i determina les condicions necessàries per a què siguin realment inclusives. Es confirmen alguns elements clau, com els canvis en els preferències dels participants, però la relació entre més participació ciutadana i més integració no és automàtica perquè la participació pot ser selectiva socialment. Per ser inclusiva, el seu disseny i metodologia han d'aconseguir grups representatius del conjunt de la població tant des del punt de vista de la representació descriptiva com de la representació substancial i han de generar dinàmiques macrocomunicatives que connectin els micropúblics amb el conjunt de la població. 3. En “Mecanismes deliberatius per superar la posició de desigualtat política d’immigrants, religioses i minories Culturals” es descriu la realitat empírica dels instruments participatius per a la integració. Des de finals de la dècada dels 1960 han aparegut multitud de consells per a la integració o d’immigrants, dels quals se'n ressegueix l’origen i evolució i se n’elabora una tipologia. Atès que el disseny d’aquests consells es basa en una tradició pròpia, al marge de la tradició acadèmica i empírica deliberativa, han tingut un rendiment institucional baix. Per aconseguir l'objectiu integrador buscat, s'assenyalen els elements a incorporar en el seu disseny i metodologia, d'acord amb les conclusions del capítol anterior i essent conscients que els efectes es produeixen a llarg termini.This doctoral thesis discusses the relationships between democracy and multiCulturalism, in particular those arising from migration. This relationship is relevant as a subject for research as the Cultural dimension of the principle of sovereignty produces exclusions in the formal recognition and exercise of citizenship rights. The hypothesis is that the intensive use of deliberative participation has the effect of politically integrating diverse societies, which requires demonstrating that institutionalized deliberation can be indeed inclusive of diversity and where all participants are in equal conditions of freedom of speech. The thesis is structured into three chapters: 1- “The political integration of immigrants and Cultural Minorities” analyses the dynamics of political exclusion and integration in nation states and the relationship between citizenship rights and nationality, which are defined by different models of constructing national identity. However, the predominant model in each country changes at any given time as a result of communicative dynamics, so that communicative inequality among the study’s target population explains their political inequality. The conclusion is that interCultural dialogue under equal terms is the key to political integration and that, unlike the right to vote, the universal legitimacy to participate in dialogue is accepted, thus facilitating the adaptation of the public sphere to multiCulturalism. 2. “The inclusive capacity of social debates” examines the expectations placed on interCultural dialogue. The chapter tests whether both initial debate theories and their developments would normatively permit full democratic inclusion of the whole population in multiCultural societies, something that is not evident due to a series of limitations and conditions. Following on from this, the debates in institutional citizens’ participation are analysed and the conditions required for them to be truly inclusive are determined. A number of key elements are confirmed, such as changes in participants’ preferences; however, the relationship between more participation and more integration is not automatic, as participation can be socially selective. For such participation to be inclusive, its design and methodology must produce groups that are representative of the whole population, in terms of both descriptive and substantial representation, and must generative macro-communicative dynamics that connect micro-publics with the overall population. 3. “Deliberative mechanisms to overcome the position of political inequality of immigrants and Cultural and national Minorities” describes the empirical reality of participatory instruments for integration. Since the end of the 1960s, a large number of immigrants’ councils and councils for integration have been created, whose origin is outlined and then categorised. Given that the design of such councils is based on their own specific tradition, outside academic tradition and deliberative practical expertise, their institutional performance has been poor. The elements that need to be incorporated into their design and methodology to achieve the sought goal of integration are indicated, following the conclusions of the previous chapter and bearing in mind that effects will arise only at long-term
Caron-scarulli Fanny - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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De l'orature ancestrale à la littérature contemporaine des Dakotapi et des Paiwan : histoire(s) de résilience trans-autochtone
HAL CCSD, 2020Co-Authors: Caron-scarulli FannyAbstract:Dominant societies, from the nineteenth to the twentieth century, tended to confine the arts and oratures of Indigenous Peoples in a museological system of protection. They aimed to establish themselves as the legitimate guardians of the languages and literatures of Cultural Minorities, further skewing already difficult relationships with Native Peoples.However, these Peoples themselves knew how to preserve the stories originating from their oral tradition, and they have subsequently reused Cultural elements of their orature by reinjecting them in a modern literature. It is therefore necessary to take an interest in how some indigenous societies were able pass on their oral stories from generation to generation, despite the impact of colonization, to keep them alive in our “modern” world.Hence, this dissertation provides a trans-indigenous study of North America’s Dakotapi and Taiwan’s Paiwan’s ancestral oratures and contemporary literatures. The Dakotapi are a well-known People popularized by dominant societies in literary, cinematographic, commercial and musical works, whereas the Paiwan are amongst the most unknown indigenous populations, and their literature remains in the margins of current scholarly studies.The Dakotapi and Paiwan’s colonial histories bear similarities (colonization, assimilation, or identity and literary recovery). Yet, with regard to the Paiwan, this historical context entails the influence of two imperialist blocs, each of which imposed its own value system. Thus, this literary approach, of an older and emblematic case study, the Dakotapi, viewed in parallel with the Paiwan, in full creative literary effervescence, represents a unique challenge. It will allow the creation of methods of analysis and the establishment of some form of literary dialogue between them, in order to highlight the similarities and the differences of the oral and written productions considered within their own continental situation.The differentiated acculturation processes targeting the Dakotapi and the Paiwan, of the American colonial power on one hand, and on the other hand of the Japanese and Chinese colonial powers (yet modeled after American assimilation policies), all had a violent impact on the culture and identity of these Indigenous Peoples. However, just as the heroes and heroines from their respective oratures, the young literate indigenous adults, who graduated from American and Taiwanese governmental schools, diverted the graphic skills and the symbolic power of the colonizer to write down their own (hi)stories.The ability inherent to each People to create an Indigenous literature, founded on the organic model of the tribal society, rooted in a natural space and an ideal of harmony devoid of technical dominance and economical exploitation, leads us to address the concept of resilience through these new works. These are, by nature, committed to a cause, since in the ancestral stories, which inspired these works, atypical beings, the most vulnerable people, values of sharing and communal harmony, or even complementarity of the sexes, were defended.This research also stresses the crucial place that Indigenous literatures occupy on the contemporary global literary scene, by means of Indigenous-centered genres and themes, and self-referential critique and theories. These are literatures that draw their references, themes, and paradigms in their own Indigenous cultures, that were reclaimed by engaging in a reconquest of their tribal identity and sovereignty.Les sociétés dominantes, du dix-neuvième au vingtième siècle, ont eu tendance à enfermer dans un système muséologique de protection et d’archivage, les arts et les oratures des peuples autochtones. En tentant de s’imposer comme les conservatrices légitimes des langues et des littératures des cultures minoritaires, elles ont faussé un peu plus des rapports déjà difficiles et complexes avec les peuples premiers.Pourtant, ces peuples ont su eux-mêmes préserver les récits issus de leur tradition orale, et dans un deuxième temps ont réutilisé des éléments culturels de leur orature en les réinjectant dans une littérature moderne. Il est donc nécessaire de s’intéresser à la façon dont certaines sociétés autochtones ont su transmettre leurs récits oraux de génération en génération, et ce malgré l’impact de la colonisation, pour les maintenir en vie dans notre monde « moderne ».Aussi, cette thèse propose une étude trans-autochtones des oratures ancestrales et des littératures contemporaines des Dakotapi d’Amérique du Nord, peuple connu et popularisé par les sociétés dominantes, et des Paiwan de Taïwan, qui font partie des populations autochtones méconnues, et dont la littérature demeure en marge des études scientifiques actuelles.Les histoires coloniales des Dakotapi et des Paiwan présentent des similarités (colonisation, assimilation et reconquête identitaire et littéraire). Cependant, en ce qui concerne les Paiwan, ce contexte historique implique l’influence de deux blocs impérialistes qui ont chacun imposé leur propre système de valeurs. Ainsi, cette approche méthodique, mettant en parallèle un cas ancien et emblématique, les Dakotapi, avec les Paiwan, en pleine effervescence créatrice, présente un défi original. Cela permettra de construire des modes d’analyse et d’établir une forme de dialogue littéraire entre eux, afin de faire ressortir les similarités et les différences de ces productions orales et écrites considérées dans leur propre situation continentale.Les processus différenciés d’acculturation ciblant les Dakotapi et les Paiwan, avec la puissance coloniale américaine d’un côté, et celles japonaise et chinoise de l’autre (mais inspirés des politiques assimilationnistes américaines), ont tous eu un impact violent sur la culture et sur l’identité de ces peuples autochtones. Toutefois, comme les héros et les héroïnes de leurs oratures respectives, les jeunes adultes autochtones ayant assimilé l’écriture au sortir des écoles gouvernementales américaines et taïwanaises, ont détourné la technique graphique et le pouvoir symbolique du colonisateur pour écrire leur(s) propre(s) histoire(s).La capacité, inhérente à chaque peuple, à créer une littérature autochtone, fondée sur le modèle organique de la société tribale, ancré dans un espace naturel et dans un idéal d'harmonie dénué de domination technique et d'exploitation économique, pousse à aborder le concept de résilience au travers de ces nouvelles œuvres. Celles-ci sont par nature engagées, car déjà dans les récits ancestraux, sources d’inspiration de ces œuvres, les êtres atypiques, les êtres les plus vulnérables, et les valeurs de partage et d’harmonie communautaires ou encore la complémentarité des sexes étaient défendus.Cette recherche met également en avant la place cruciale que les littératures des peuples autochtones commencent à occuper sur la scène littéraire mondiale contemporaine, au moyen de genres et de thèmes auto-centrés, et de critiques et de théories auto-référentielles. Ce sont des littératures qui puisent leurs références, leurs thèmes, et leurs paradigmes dans leurs propres cultures autochtones, qu’elles se sont réappropriées en entreprenant une reconquête de leur identité et de leur souveraineté tribales
Carrasco Sílvia - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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La escolarización de hijos e hijas de inmigrantes y de minorías étnico-Culturales en España
2021Co-Authors: Carrasco SílviaAbstract:La presencia creciente de hijos e hijas de inmigrantes en las aulas reabre y actualiza dilemas y debates en torno a cuestiones de multiCulturalidad y educación, en relación con otros colectivos minoritarios en ventaja múltiple frente a la escuela -los españoles gitanos-, y en aspectos más generales de representación de la diversidad Cultural. Este artículo se centrará en algunas de estas cuestiones, a partir de tres interrogantes: 1) quiénes y cuántos son, de dónde proceden y dónde se localizan los hijos e hijas de inmigrantes y, de grupos minoritarios en el territorio español y en el sistema educativo; 2) cómo se puede caracterizar y analizar la diversidad de situaciones y dificultades con las que se encuentran en relación con la escuela, así como, las respuestas que ésta les brinda y; 3) de qué herramientas teóricas disponemos para comprender y explicar su problemática socioeducativa en nuestra sociedad, desde una perspectiva comparativa.«Schooling of Immigrants and ethnic-Cultural Minorities' sons and daughters». The growing presence of immigrants' sons and daughters in classrooms reopens and updates dilemmas and debates about multiCulturalism and education, relative to other minority collectives who have a multiple advantage regarding school -Spanish gypsies- and to more general aspects of representation of Cultural diversity. This anide focuses on some of these topics, parting from three questions: I) who and how many are immigrants and minority groups' sons and daughters, where are they from, and where are they located within the Spanish territory and the educational system?; 2) how can we characterize and analyze the diversity ofsituations and difficulties they face relating to school, and school's responses to these?; and 3) what theoretical tools we have to understand and explain their socioeducational problems in our society, from a comparative perspective