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Gary W Cox - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • electoral reform and the fate of factions the case of japan s liberal Democratic Party
    British Journal of Political Science, 1999
    Co-Authors: Gary W Cox, Frances Mccall Rosenbluth, Michael F Thies
    Abstract:

    For years, scholars and pundits have blamed Japan's single, non-transferable vote (SNTV) electoral system for the factions that divide and organize the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). In January 1994, Japan abandoned SNTV, and the first election under the new rules occurred in October 1996. If SNTV did in fact sustain the factions, it makes sense that the factional structure ought to have weakened under the new rules. In this article, we provide an informal model of what the old factional exchange between leaders and followers was like and investigate the extent to which the terms of this exchange, and hence the characteristics of Japanese factionalism, have begun to change under the new rules. We expect and find the largest decline in factional leaders' role in the area of nominations, and the slightest changes, at least in the short run, in the allocation of posts. On the other side of the exchange, we find that followers appear less willing to march to their leaders' tunes in LDP presidential elections.

  • factional competition for the Party endorsement the case of japan s liberal Democratic Party
    British Journal of Political Science, 1996
    Co-Authors: Gary W Cox, Frances Mccall Rosenbluth
    Abstract:

    This Note explores the candidate-endorsement process in the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) of Japan during its period of hegemony (1955–90). Even in parties without an enduring factional structure such as the LDP, nominations are often troublesome – witness, for example, the reselection controversy in Britain's Labour Party at the end of the 1970s or the perennially damaging fights in American primary elections. Moreover, it is easy to understand why nomination politics is so consistently problematic: the gist of the problem is simply that different groups within a Party may differ as to who should receive the Party endorsement in a given district (or, in list systems, who should get the safe spots on the list). Group A naturally wants its candidate(s) endorsed (there may be more than one in multi-member districts), but so do groups B, C and D. The resulting interaction between groups can be what a game theorist would call a co-ordination, or Battle of the Sexes, game.

Frances Mccall Rosenbluth - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • electoral reform and the fate of factions the case of japan s liberal Democratic Party
    British Journal of Political Science, 1999
    Co-Authors: Gary W Cox, Frances Mccall Rosenbluth, Michael F Thies
    Abstract:

    For years, scholars and pundits have blamed Japan's single, non-transferable vote (SNTV) electoral system for the factions that divide and organize the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). In January 1994, Japan abandoned SNTV, and the first election under the new rules occurred in October 1996. If SNTV did in fact sustain the factions, it makes sense that the factional structure ought to have weakened under the new rules. In this article, we provide an informal model of what the old factional exchange between leaders and followers was like and investigate the extent to which the terms of this exchange, and hence the characteristics of Japanese factionalism, have begun to change under the new rules. We expect and find the largest decline in factional leaders' role in the area of nominations, and the slightest changes, at least in the short run, in the allocation of posts. On the other side of the exchange, we find that followers appear less willing to march to their leaders' tunes in LDP presidential elections.

  • factional competition for the Party endorsement the case of japan s liberal Democratic Party
    British Journal of Political Science, 1996
    Co-Authors: Gary W Cox, Frances Mccall Rosenbluth
    Abstract:

    This Note explores the candidate-endorsement process in the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) of Japan during its period of hegemony (1955–90). Even in parties without an enduring factional structure such as the LDP, nominations are often troublesome – witness, for example, the reselection controversy in Britain's Labour Party at the end of the 1970s or the perennially damaging fights in American primary elections. Moreover, it is easy to understand why nomination politics is so consistently problematic: the gist of the problem is simply that different groups within a Party may differ as to who should receive the Party endorsement in a given district (or, in list systems, who should get the safe spots on the list). Group A naturally wants its candidate(s) endorsed (there may be more than one in multi-member districts), but so do groups B, C and D. The resulting interaction between groups can be what a game theorist would call a co-ordination, or Battle of the Sexes, game.

Michael F Thies - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • electoral reform and the fate of factions the case of japan s liberal Democratic Party
    British Journal of Political Science, 1999
    Co-Authors: Gary W Cox, Frances Mccall Rosenbluth, Michael F Thies
    Abstract:

    For years, scholars and pundits have blamed Japan's single, non-transferable vote (SNTV) electoral system for the factions that divide and organize the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). In January 1994, Japan abandoned SNTV, and the first election under the new rules occurred in October 1996. If SNTV did in fact sustain the factions, it makes sense that the factional structure ought to have weakened under the new rules. In this article, we provide an informal model of what the old factional exchange between leaders and followers was like and investigate the extent to which the terms of this exchange, and hence the characteristics of Japanese factionalism, have begun to change under the new rules. We expect and find the largest decline in factional leaders' role in the area of nominations, and the slightest changes, at least in the short run, in the allocation of posts. On the other side of the exchange, we find that followers appear less willing to march to their leaders' tunes in LDP presidential elections.

Norman Schofield - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • the transformation of the republican and Democratic Party coalitions in the u s
    Perspectives on Politics, 2008
    Co-Authors: Gary J Miller, Norman Schofield
    Abstract:

    Because the space of policies is two-dimensional, parties in the United States are coalitions of opposed interests. The Republican Party contains both socially conservative and socially liberal groups, though both tend to be pro-business. The increasing dominance of the social conservatives has angered some prominent Republicans, even causing a number of them to change Party allegiance. Over time, the decreasing significance of the economic axis may cause the Republican Party to adopt policies that are analogous to those proposed by William Jennings Bryan in 1896: populist and anti-business. In parallel, the Democratic Party will increasingly appeal to pro-business, social liberals, so the Party takes on the mantel of Lincoln.

Merle Black - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • the transformation of the southern Democratic Party
    The Journal of Politics, 2004
    Co-Authors: Merle Black
    Abstract:

    The transformation of the Democratic Party during the past century is an important institutional change in southern politics. Once the unchallenged majority Party of the region, Democrats have declined to the level of a competitive minority Party in the South as majorities of white conservatives and many white moderates have abandoned it. Even more consequential changes have occurred in its racial, ethnic, and gender composition. A Party originally created by racist southern white men to enhance and maintain their perceived interests has now become the political home of African Americans, liberal and moderate whites, and Hispanics.