The Experts below are selected from a list of 39426 Experts worldwide ranked by ideXlab platform
Florian Toepfl - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
-
four facets of critical news literacy in a non Democratic Regime how young russians navigate their news
European Journal of Communication, 2014Co-Authors: Florian ToepflAbstract:Fuelled by the Arab Spring, the question of how the rise of internet-mediated communication affects authoritarian Regimes has received unprecedented attention within the discipline of communications. However, in this debate, scholars have not yet turned to the concept of literacy and addressed the role of citizens’ knowledge about political media in any greater depth. This is surprising since the concept of literacy as ‘emancipatory knowledge’, in Sonia Livingstone’s words, has a ‘long and proud history’ of being linked with processes of enlightenment, political empowerment and democratization. The present study contributes to filling this gap by suggesting four highly consequential facets of critical news literacy in contemporary Russia, a high-profile hybrid Regime. The conceptual development is grounded in western literature and 20 in-depth interviews with young, urban and educated Russians.
-
four facets of critical news literacy in a non Democratic Regime how young russians navigate their news
LSE Research Online Documents on Economics, 2014Co-Authors: Florian ToepflAbstract:Fueled by the Arab spring, the question of how the rise of internet-mediated communication affects authoritarian Regimes has received unprecedented attention within the discipline of communications. However, in this debate, scholars have not yet turned to the concept of literacy and addressed the role of citizens’ knowledge about political media in any greater depth. This is surprising since the concept of literacy as ‘emancipatory knowledge’ has a ‘long and proud history’ (Livingstone, 2008: 60) of being linked with processes of enlightenment, political empowerment, and democratization. The present study contributes to filling this gap by suggesting four highly consequential facets of critical news literacy in contemporary Russia, a high-profile hybrid Regime. Conceptual development is grounded in western literature and 20 in-depth interviews with young, urban, and educated Russians.
Claus Offe - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
-
political disaffection as an outcome of institutional practices some post tocquevillean speculations
2008Co-Authors: Claus OffeAbstract:In this essay I proceed as follows. Its first part provides a conceptual map by which we can locate the various symptoms of political malaise and disenchantment, which beset, as it is widely perceived, political life and political developments even in established liberal democracies (and a fortiori in new ones). The second part proposes to invert the chain of causation that is widely used in empirical political science as a model of analysis. Rather than proceeding from opinions to behavior to institutional viability, I propose here, in an admittedly speculative mode, to proceed in a top-down perspective from institutional patterns to the observable “enactment” of institutions and the perceived opportunities, incentives, expectations they inculcate in citizens and finally the opinions, habits, and attitudes people exhibit and which are in turn registered and analyzed by the methods of survey research. In the third and final part of the paper, I propose a taxonomy of the various sorts of “failure of citizenship” (or deficient modes of its practice) that we encounter within established democracies of the OECD world. I conclude with a few remarks on the hypothetical impact of disaffection upon the liberal Democratic Regime form.
-
the Democratic welfare state a european Regime under the strain of european integration ihs political science series 2000 no 68
2000Co-Authors: Claus OffeAbstract:States are organizations of governance that apply to the people living in a defined territory. But in order to sustain such governance, the people must not just individually obey the law, but also colletively conceive of themselves as "We, the People..", with whom the law originates. For only if I, the individual citizen, have reasons to trust that, they, my fellow citizens, are actually willing to also obey the law, I’ll do so myself. This indispensible sense of belonging to a civic community can be based upon a variety of factors: ethno-cultural, linguistic, civic republican (as in "constitutional patriotism") or social justice. Applying this notion of an indispensible civic infrastructure to the case of European integration, the author discusses a number of potential sources from which the view might be derived that what happens in Europe is a matter of "us, the Europeans". In the absence of a Democratic Regime in Europe, as well as a European welfare state (to say nothing about a strictly "European culture"), it is not easy to find out possible foundations of European "identity".
-
the Democratic welfare state a european Regime under the strain of european integration
68, 2000Co-Authors: Claus OffeAbstract:Abstract: States are organizations of governance that apply to the people living in a defined territory. But in order to sustain such governance, the people must not just individually obey the law, but also collectively conceive of themselves as "We, the People..", with whom the law originates. For only if I, the individual citizen, have reasons to trust that, they, my fellow citizens, are actually willing to also obey the law, I'll do so myself. This indispensible sense of belonging to a civiccommunity can be based upon a variety of factors: ethno-cultural, linguistic, civic republican (as in "constitutional patriotism") or social justice. Applying this notion of an indispensible civic infrastructure to the case of European integration, the author discusses a number of potential sources from which the view might be derived that what happens in Europe is a matter of "us, the Europeans". In the absence of a Democratic Regime in Europe, as well as a European welfare state (to say nothing about a strictly "European culture"), it is not easy to find out possible foundations of European "identity".;
Anastassia V Obydenkova - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
-
regional international organizations as a strategy of autocracy the eurasian economic union and russian foreign policy
International Affairs, 2018Co-Authors: Alexander Libman, Anastassia V ObydenkovaAbstract:This article investigates whether and how regional international organizations created by authoritarian countries can aid the Regime survival of their member states. Numerous regions of the world have witnessed a proliferation of regional organizations established by powerful authoritarian states. We argue that the external influence of these organizations can affect Regime survival and reinforce non-Democratic Regime trajectories, but in a nuanced manner. The article argues that, in addition to examining the impact of the regional organization itself, one must examine how the existence of these regional organizations changes the strategy of autocratic leading states, which-in bilateral relations with other countries-could become more eager to support authoritarian Regimes of geopolitical importance. We use the case of the Eurasian Economic Union to explore various strategies of Russia, the leading state, vis-a-vis post-Soviet Eurasian countries. These strategies, however, appear only to matter for authoritarian consolidation when countries, from the Russian point of view, are on the 'front line' of geopolitical competition with the EU, and which are, therefore, important in stabilizing Russian influence. The article identifies five strategic foreign policy models of leading states which are determined by the existence of regional organizations and evaluates the benefits of these strategies for both leading and targeted states.
Svenderik Skaaning - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
-
asymmetrical constraints on Democratic Regime types a comparative study
Social Science Research Network, 2011Co-Authors: Jorgen Moller, Michael Seeberg, Svenderik SkaaningAbstract:In two recent retrospectives – marking the 25th anniversary of the publication of Transitions From Authoritarian Rule – Philippe Schmitter and Guillermo O’Donnell argue that the easy spread of democracy in the latest decades has much to do with its bare-bones character. Based on these interventions and on other recent contributions, we pose three interrelated propositions: First, structural factors today impact the level of democracy more when it is understood in a relatively ‘thin’ (minimalistic) way than when it is understood in a relatively ‘thick’ (maximalistic) way. Second, this asymmetrical pattern has been on the increase over the latest decades. Third, the years 1989-91 constitute a crucial breaking point in this respect. Even though these – or very similar – claims are frequently put forward in the literature, they have not been subjected to a systematic, large-N empirical appraisal yet. We do so by employing a two-step approach. In the first step, we test the extent to which a set of structural factors have different scales of effects on thin and thick types of democracy differently today. Second, based on a somewhat cruder measurement of thin and thick types of democracy, we expand the analysis to the whole period of the third wave, using a sliding series of OLS-regressions. These analyses, covering virtually all countries from 1973 and onwards, corroborate all the three propositions.
Minhua Huang - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
-
the uneven growth of Democratic legitimacy in east asia
International Journal of Public Opinion Research, 2006Co-Authors: Yutzung Chang, Yunhan Chu, Minhua HuangAbstract:The consolidation of a democracy requires ‘broad and deep legitimation, such that all significant political actors, at both the elite and mass levels, believe that the Democratic Regime is the most right and appropriate for their society, better than any other realistic alternative they can imagine’ (Diamond, 1999, p. 65). An assessment of the extent of normative commitment to democracy among the public at large can tell us much about how far the political system has really traveled toward Democratic consolidation (Chu, Diamond, & Shin, 2001). A robust popular base of legitimation entails both widespread and strongly felt attachment to a Democratic Regime and dwindling support for non-Democratic alternatives. These two dimensions of popular commitment to Democratic legitimacy are conceptually different and empirically distinguishable (Rose, Mishler, & Haerpfer, 1998; Shin & Wells, 2005). To this end, we seek to answer three empirical questions: To what extent do citizens in Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Mongolia, the Philippines, Thailand and Hong Kong support democracy as a system of government as measured by overtly favorable orientations toward democracy? How many people in these countries still consider authoritarian arrangements as desirable alternatives? Do attachment to democracy and detachment from authoritarianism reinforce each other, yielding a coherent attitudinal foundation for sustainable democracy? To answer these questions, this paper uses the first-wave East Asia Barometer (EAB) survey data, which consist of responses collected through face-to-face interviews of randomly selected eligible voters in these countries and territories. Before presenting the empirical findings, a succinct overview of the regional political trends in the context of the ‘third wave’ of democratization is called for.