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Martínez-cava Aguilar Julio - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Gorros frigios en la Guerra Fría. El Socialismo republicano de E. P. Thompson
'Edicions de la Universitat de Barcelona', 2021Co-Authors: Martínez-cava Aguilar JulioAbstract:La tradición socialista fue heredera y continuadora del republicanismo democrático moderno. E. P. Thompson, como historiador e intelectual comunista, reivindicó de forma precursora los valores jacobinos e ilustrados frente a las ortodoxias intelectuales de la Guerra Fría que dividieron Europa. Al hacerlo, construyó un Socialismo democrático, inspirado en la historia británica y en el internacionalismo de los Frentes Populares, que nutriría el activismo de la New Left y del movimiento pacifista. Crear una cultura política democrática, frenar la influencia de la riqueza y aumentar y dar un nuevo sentido a los derechos democráticos fueron los objetivos de este Socialismo jacobino.The socialist tradition inherited and continued the values of modern Democratic republicanism. E. P. Thompson, as a historian and communist intellectual, broke new ground in vindicating Jacobin and Enlightenment values against the intellectual orthodoxies of the Cold War that divided Europe. In doing so, he built a Democratic Socialism, inspired by British history and the internationalism of the Popular Fronts, which would nourish the activism of the New Left and the peace movement. Creating a Democratic political culture, curbing the influence of wealth, and broadening and giving new meaning to Democratic rights were the goals of this Jacobin Socialism
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Gorros frigios en la Guerra Fría. El Socialismo republicano de E. P. Thompson
'Edicions de la Universitat de Barcelona', 2021Co-Authors: Martínez-cava Aguilar JulioAbstract:[spa] La tradición socialista fue heredera y continuadora del republicanismo democrático moderno. E. P. Thompson, como historiador e intelectual comunista, reivindicó de forma precursora los valores jacobinos e ilustrados frente a las ortodoxias intelectuales de la Guerra Fría que dividieron Europa. Al hacerlo, construyó un Socialismo democrático, inspirado en la historia británica y en el internacionalismo de los Frentes Populares, que nutriría el activismo de la New Left y del movimiento pacifista. Crear una cultura política democrática, frenar la influencia de la riqueza y aumentar y dar un nuevo sentido a los derechos democráticos fueron los objetivos de este Socialismo jacobino.[eng] The socialist tradition inherited and continued the values of modern Democratic republicanism. E. P. Thompson, as a historian and communist intellectual, broke new ground in vindicating Jacobin and Enlightenment values against the intellectual orthodoxies of the Cold War that divided Europe. In doing so, he built a Democratic Socialism, inspired by British history and the internationalism of the Popular Fronts, which would nourish the activism of the New Left and the peace movement. Creating a Democratic political culture, curbing the influence of wealth, and broadening and giving new meaning to Democratic rights were the goals of this Jacobin Socialism
Robert M Page - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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without a song in their heart new labour the welfare state and the retreat from Democratic Socialism
Journal of Social Policy, 2007Co-Authors: Robert M PageAbstract:Since coming to power in May 1997, New Labour has been criticised by many Party traditionalists for failing to follow the Democratic socialist path laid out by the Attlee, Wilson and Callaghan governments. However, New Labour believes that adherence to a doctrinaire political philosophy is ill suited to contemporary economic and social realities. Accordingly, they have opted to govern on a ‘non-ideological’ pragmatic basis. To this end, they have sought to ensure that the welfare state operates in a way that complements, rather than conflicts with, economic imperatives. While New Labour continues to maintain that the welfare state should be used to tackle opportunity barriers, it no longer believes that the task of the welfare state is to extend opportunities for selflessness, enhance social solidarity or deliver greater equality of outcome.
Aaron Edwards - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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a history of the northern ireland labour party Democratic Socialism and sectarianism
2009Co-Authors: Aaron EdwardsAbstract:This book is one of a series of Critical Labour Movement Studies, of which ten have already been published. Although there is a nod in the direction of mainland Europe with a book on Swedish social democracy and a look at the politics of German miners, the series otherwise deals exclusively with aspects of British Labour politics. In that respect this volume is out on a limb, for, despite a lot of wishful thinking, the Northern Ireland Labour Party (NILP) was never part of British Labour politics. To a large extent this vein of wishful thinking runs through the book. The author tends to see politics through the eyes of leading members of the NILP who would have liked the party to have been something that it was not. The blurb describes the book as 'the first definitive history' of the NILP, a curious qualification implying that there can be several definitive histories. Edwards has scoured the sources and archives, interviewed all of the surviving main figures in the NILP and come up with documents that have not been used before. If not the definitive history, this book is certainly the most comprehensive account of the party's history available. But while the account is comprehensive it is often uncritical, and the analysis of the evidence is weak in places. Edwards at times even appears to contradict his own evidence. For example, while he accepts the conventional description by political scientists like O'Leary and McGarry and others that the north of Ireland's divisions are 'ethno-political', Edwards repeatedly tries to fit the North's politics into a conventional British arrangement, playing down the ethno-political constant. He acknowledges that by-election victories in the 1930s and 1940s only sharpened the divide in the party on the 'national question' but fails to draw the obvious conclusion that the NILP could never advance beyond a fixed point precisely because of that fundamental division. Once the party had nailed its colours (literally) to the mast at a special conference in 1949 confirming its commitment to partition in the wake of the declaration of the Irish Republic, it was never going to command the allegiance of a significant proportion of the North's nationalist population. Indeed, when the Irish Labour Party entered northern politics in council elections in the early 1950s it swept the board in nationalist districts. After the withdrawal of Irish Labour the NILP became the refuge of nationalists in elections when nationalist parties were weak and the NILP was the only way of registering a vote to weaken the Unionist monolith. There was never any loyalty to the party among nationalists because it repeatedly let them down on critical identity issues. One such issue was Sabbatarianism. In 1964 there was a
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Democratic Socialism and sectarianism the northern ireland labour party and progressive unionist party compared
Politics, 2007Co-Authors: Aaron EdwardsAbstract:Since the 1970s academic studies of the Protestant community in Northern Ireland have dwelt on either the conservative nature of its political culture or the phenomenon of paramilitary activism among its grass-roots. Few scholars have attempted to analyse the Democratic socialist political discourse articulated by some of its ‘non-combatant’ actors. As a means of redressing this imbalance this article compares and contrasts the ideologies and discourse of the Northern Ireland Labour party (NILP) and the Progressive Unionist party (PUP). Although these two parties are separated by distinct historical and political circumstances, their significance nonetheless points to the existence of residual class sentiment among Ulster Protestants.
Monereo Pérez, José Luis - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Democracia social y económica en la metamorfosis del Estado moderno: Harold J. Laski
'Universidad Pablo de Olavide', 2021Co-Authors: Monereo Pérez, José LuisAbstract:Since Democratic Socialism, the aim was to make the trade union and council movement compatible with parliamentary democracy (based on the party system) as an extension of democracy, in other words: To unite political democracy (and its economic policy side) with collective economic democracy. It is important to note that Laski's position on economic and industrial democracy was close to that maintained by Sidney and Beatrice Webb, for which industrial democracy was framed in a project of democratization of the entire political community. t was not intended only for workers to participate and influence corporate decision-making, but to be framed in a more ambitious economic democracy by helping to shape – to implement – a “socialist constitution” that is the backbone of all spheres of society. And it is precisely in this context that trade unions would assume their status as basic institutions of the political system in connection with the State.Desde el Socialismo democrático se trataba de hacer compatible el movimiento sindical y de los consejos con la democracia parlamentaria (basada en el sistema de partidos) como extensión de la democracia, en otras palabras: unir la democracia política (y su vertiente de política económica) con la democracia económica colectiva. Importa destacar que la posición de Laski respecto de la democracia económica e industrial era próxima a la mantenida por Sidney y Beatrice Webb, para los cuales la democracia industrial se enmarcaba en un proyecto de democratización de toda la comunidad política. Con ella no se pretendía sólo que los trabajadores participaran e influyeran en la toma de decisiones empresariales, sino que se enmarcara en una más ambiciosa democracia económica contribuyendo a dar forma –a implantar- una “constitución socialista” vertebradora de todos los ámbitos de la sociedad. Y precisamente en ese marco es donde los sindicatos asumirían su condición de instituciones básicas del sistema político en conexión el Estado
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Social and economic democracy in the metamorphosis of the modern state: Harold J. Laski
'Universidad Pablo de Olavide', 2021Co-Authors: Monereo Pérez, José LuisAbstract:Desde el Socialismo democrático se trataba de hacer compatible el movimiento sindical y de los consejos con la democracia parlamentaria (basada en el sistema de partidos) como extensión de la democracia, en otras palabras: unir la democracia política (y su vertiente de política económica) con la democracia económica colectiva. Importa destacar que la posición de Laski respecto de la democracia económica e industrial era próxima a la mantenida por Sidney y Beatrice Webb, para los cuales la democracia industrial se enmarcaba en un proyecto de democratización de toda la comunidad política. Con ella no se pretendía sólo que los trabajadores participaran e influyeran en la toma de decisiones empresariales, sino que se enmarcara en una más ambiciosa democracia económica contribuyendo a dar forma ¿a implantar- una ¿constitución socialista¿ vertebradora de todos los ámbitos de la sociedad. Y precisamente en ese marco es donde los sindicatos asumirían su condición de instituciones básicas del sistema político en conexión el Estado.Since Democratic Socialism, the aim was to make the trade union and council movement compatible with parliamentary democracy (based on the party system) as an extension of democracy, in other words: To unite political democracy (and its economic policy side) with collective economic democracy. It is important to note that Laski's position on economic and industrial democracy was close to that maintained by Sidney and Beatrice Webb, for which industrial democracy was framed in a project of democratization of the entire political community. t was not intended only for workers to participate and influence corporate decision-making, but to be framed in a more ambitious economic democracy by helping to shape ¿to implement ¿a ¿socialist constitution¿ that is the backbone of all spheres of society. And itis precisely in this context that trade unions would assume their status as basic institutions of the political system in connection with the StateUniversidad Pablo de Olavid
Bob Jessop - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Nicos Poulantzas on political economy, political ecology, and Democratic Socialism
University of Arizona Libraries, 2017Co-Authors: Bob JessopAbstract:Abstract This article presents the inaugural memorial lecture at the Nicos Poulantzas Institute in Athens. It examines and extends the work of the eponymous Greek legal and political theorist, political economist, and communist intellectual, Nicos Poulantzas, who radically transformed Marxist state theory, made major contributions to the critique of political economy for the era of Atlantic Fordism and post-war American imperialism, and called for a judicious balance between representative and direct democracy to secure a Democratic transition to Democratic Socialism. It first offers some general reflections on the originality, legacy and actuality of Poulantzas's work in these respects and then reconstructs his later views on the critique of political economy before his death in 1979. Noting his neglect of the environment and issues of political ecology, which was typical of the French and Greek left in the 1970s and also rooted in more general features of Marxist theorizing on nature and the environment, the article elaborates a Poulantzasian view of political ecology based on key arguments from his work. The article concludes by reasserting the validity of his vision of Democratic Socialism, indicating that it would have become a critique of political ecology, and suggests that he would have approached this in the same spirit of romantic public irony that was advocated by one of his major theoretical and political influences – Antonio Gramsci. Key words: capitalist states; class analysis; democracy; ecology; imperialist rivalries; Nicos Poulantzas; productivism; state theory; the strategic-relational approac