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Mark E Cummings - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • Emotional Security theory an emerging theoretical model for youths psychological and physiological responses across multiple developmental contexts
    Current Directions in Psychological Science, 2015
    Co-Authors: Mark E Cummings, Laura E Millergraff
    Abstract:

    Emotional Security theory (EST), initially proposed as a process model for understanding relations between marital conflict and child development, has been empirically tested and validated in numerous studies over the past 20 years. This has demonstrated the relevance of children’s Emotional Security to consequent Emotional and behavioral adjustment. Recently, investigations of EST have employed an exciting new range of multimethod processes that include biobehavioral and physiological evaluations. Together with a broadening of the ecological contexts in which EST is examined, EST research is making innovative strides in the study of process and context that promise to bring it to the forefront of social-ecological systems research.

  • prospective relations between family conflict and adolescent maladjustment Security in the family system as a mediating process
    Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology, 2015
    Co-Authors: Mark E Cummings, Kalsea J Koss, Patrick T Davies
    Abstract:

    Conflict in specific family systems (e.g., interparental, parent–child) has been implicated in the development of a host of adjustment problems in adolescence, but little is known about the impact of family conflict involving multiple family systems. Furthermore, questions remain about the effects of family conflict on symptoms of specific disorders and adjustment problems and the processes mediating these effects. The present study prospectively examines the impact of family conflict and Emotional Security about the family system on adolescent symptoms of specific disorders and adjustment problems, including the development of symptoms of anxiety, depression, conduct problems, and peer problems. Security in the family system was examined as a mediator of these relations. Participants included 295 mother-father-adolescent families (149 girls) participating across three annual time points (grades 7–9). Including auto-regressive controls for initial levels of Emotional inSecurity and multiple adjustment problems (T1), higher-order Emotional inSecurity about the family system (T2) mediated relations between T1 family conflict and T3 peer problems, anxiety, and depressive symptoms. Further analyses supported specific patterns of Emotional Security/inSecurity (i.e., Security, disengagement, preoccupation) as mediators between family conflict and specific domains of adolescent adjustment. Family conflict was thus found to prospectively predict the development of symptoms of multiple specific adjustment problems, including symptoms of depression, anxiety, conduct problems, and peer problems, by elevating in in adolescent’s Emotional inSecurity about the family system. The clinical implications of these findings are considered.

  • parental depressive symptoms and adolescent adjustment a prospective test of an explanatory model for the role of marital conflict
    Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology, 2014
    Co-Authors: Mark E Cummings, Kalsea J Koss, Rebecca Y M Cheung, Patrick T Davies
    Abstract:

    Despite calls for process-oriented models for child maladjustment due to heightened marital conflict in the context of parental depressive symptoms, few longitudinal tests of the mechanisms underlying these relations have been conducted. Addressing this gap, the present study examined multiple factors longitudinally that link parental depressive symptoms to adolescent adjustment problems, building on a conceptual model informed by Emotional Security theory (EST). Participants were from 320 families (158 boys, 162 girls), including mothers and fathers, who took part when their children were in kindergarten (T1), second (T2), seventh (T3), eighth (T4) and ninth (T5) grades. Parental depressive symptoms (T1) were related to changes in adolescents’ externalizing and internalizing symptoms (T5), as mediated by parents’ negative Emotional expressiveness (T2), marital conflict (T3), and Emotional inSecurity (T4). Evidence was thus advanced for Emotional inSecurity as an explanatory process in the context of parental depressive symptoms.

  • interparental conflict in kindergarten and adolescent adjustment prospective investigation of Emotional Security as an explanatory mechanism
    Child Development, 2012
    Co-Authors: Mark E Cummings, Kathleen P Mccoy, Melissa R W George, Patrick T Davies
    Abstract:

    Advancing the long-term prospective study of explanations for the effects of marital conflict on children’s functioning, relations were examined between interparental conflict in kindergarten, children’s Emotional inSecurity in the early school years, and subsequent adolescent internalizing and externalizing problems. Based on a community sample of 235 mothers, fathers, and children (Ms = 6.00, 8.02, 12.62 years), and multimethod and multireporter assessments, structural equation model tests provided support for Emotional inSecurity in early childhood as an intervening process related to adolescent internalizing and externalizing problems, even with stringent autoregressive controls over prior levels of functioning for both mediating and outcome variables. Discussion considers implications for understanding pathways between interparental conflict, Emotional inSecurity, and adjustment in childhood and adolescence.

  • longitudinal pathways between political violence and child adjustment the role of Emotional Security about the community in northern ireland
    Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology, 2011
    Co-Authors: Mark E Cummings, Marcie C Goekemorey, Christine E Merrilees, Alice C Schermerhorn, Peter Shirlow, Ed Cairns
    Abstract:

    Links between political violence and children’s adjustment problems are well-documented. However, the mechanisms by which political tension and sectarian violence relate to children’s well-being and development are little understood. This study longitudinally examined children’s Emotional Security about community violence as a possible regulatory process in relations between community discord and children’s adjustment problems. Families were selected from 18 working class neighborhoods in Belfast, Northern Ireland. Participants (695 mothers and children, M = 12.17, SD = 1.82) were interviewed in their homes over three consecutive years. Findings supported the notion that politically-motivated community violence has distinctive effects on children’s externalizing and internalizing problems through the mechanism of increasing children’s Emotional inSecurity about community. Implications are considered for understanding relations between political violence and child adjustment from a social ecological perspective.

Patrick T Davies - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • family instability and young children s school adjustment callousness and negative internal representations as mediators
    Child Development, 2018
    Co-Authors: Patrick T Davies, Melissa L Sturgeapple
    Abstract:

    This study examined the mediating roles of children's callousness and negative internal representations of family relationships in associations between family instability and children's adjustment to school in early childhood. Participants in this multimethod (i.e., survey, observations), multiinformant (i.e., parent, teacher, observer), longitudinal study included 243 preschool children (Mage = 4.60 years) and their families. Findings from the lagged, autoregressive tests of the mediational paths indicated that both children's callousness and negative internal representations of family relationships mediated longitudinal associations between family instability and children's school adjustment problems over a 2-year period (i.e., the transition from preschool to first grade). Findings are discussed in relation to the attenuation hypothesis (E. J. Susman, 2006) and Emotional Security theory (EST; P. T. Davies, M. A. Winter, & D. Cicchetti, 2006).

  • identifying the temperamental roots of children s patterns of Security in the interparental relationship
    Development and Psychopathology, 2016
    Co-Authors: Patrick T Davies, Rochelle F Hentges, Melissa L Sturgeapple
    Abstract:

    Guided by Emotional Security theory, this study examined the temperamental precursors of distinctive profiles of children's responses to interparental conflict. Participants included 243 children (M = 4.6 years) and their parents across two annual measurement occasions. Temperamental constructs of frustration proneness, approach, positive affect, activity level, and effortful control were assessed through multiple methods, informants, and contexts. Behavioral observations of children's responses to interparental conflict at each wave yielded four profiles: secure (i.e., efficiently address direct threat), mobilizing (i.e., vigilance to potential threat and social opportunities), dominant (i.e., directly defeat threat), and demobilizing (i.e., reduce salience as a target of hostility). Results supported hypotheses on the distinct constellations of temperament in predicting subsequent change in the four Security profiles.

  • prospective relations between family conflict and adolescent maladjustment Security in the family system as a mediating process
    Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology, 2015
    Co-Authors: Mark E Cummings, Kalsea J Koss, Patrick T Davies
    Abstract:

    Conflict in specific family systems (e.g., interparental, parent–child) has been implicated in the development of a host of adjustment problems in adolescence, but little is known about the impact of family conflict involving multiple family systems. Furthermore, questions remain about the effects of family conflict on symptoms of specific disorders and adjustment problems and the processes mediating these effects. The present study prospectively examines the impact of family conflict and Emotional Security about the family system on adolescent symptoms of specific disorders and adjustment problems, including the development of symptoms of anxiety, depression, conduct problems, and peer problems. Security in the family system was examined as a mediator of these relations. Participants included 295 mother-father-adolescent families (149 girls) participating across three annual time points (grades 7–9). Including auto-regressive controls for initial levels of Emotional inSecurity and multiple adjustment problems (T1), higher-order Emotional inSecurity about the family system (T2) mediated relations between T1 family conflict and T3 peer problems, anxiety, and depressive symptoms. Further analyses supported specific patterns of Emotional Security/inSecurity (i.e., Security, disengagement, preoccupation) as mediators between family conflict and specific domains of adolescent adjustment. Family conflict was thus found to prospectively predict the development of symptoms of multiple specific adjustment problems, including symptoms of depression, anxiety, conduct problems, and peer problems, by elevating in in adolescent’s Emotional inSecurity about the family system. The clinical implications of these findings are considered.

  • parental depressive symptoms and adolescent adjustment a prospective test of an explanatory model for the role of marital conflict
    Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology, 2014
    Co-Authors: Mark E Cummings, Kalsea J Koss, Rebecca Y M Cheung, Patrick T Davies
    Abstract:

    Despite calls for process-oriented models for child maladjustment due to heightened marital conflict in the context of parental depressive symptoms, few longitudinal tests of the mechanisms underlying these relations have been conducted. Addressing this gap, the present study examined multiple factors longitudinally that link parental depressive symptoms to adolescent adjustment problems, building on a conceptual model informed by Emotional Security theory (EST). Participants were from 320 families (158 boys, 162 girls), including mothers and fathers, who took part when their children were in kindergarten (T1), second (T2), seventh (T3), eighth (T4) and ninth (T5) grades. Parental depressive symptoms (T1) were related to changes in adolescents’ externalizing and internalizing symptoms (T5), as mediated by parents’ negative Emotional expressiveness (T2), marital conflict (T3), and Emotional inSecurity (T4). Evidence was thus advanced for Emotional inSecurity as an explanatory process in the context of parental depressive symptoms.

  • the reformulation of Emotional Security theory the role of children s social defense in developmental psychopathology
    Development and Psychopathology, 2013
    Co-Authors: Patrick T Davies, Meredith J Martin
    Abstract:

    Although children's Security in the context of the interparental relationship has been identified as a key explanatory mechanism in pathways between family discord and child psychopathology, little is known about the inner workings of Emotional Security as a goal system. Thus, the objective of this paper is to describe how our reformulation of Emotional Security theory within an ethological and evolutionary framework may advance the characterization of the architecture and operation of Emotional Security and, in the process, cultivate sustainable growing points in developmental psychopathology. The first section of the paper describes how children's Security in the interparental relationship is organized around a distinctive behavioral system designed to defend against interpersonal threat. Building on this evolutionary foundation for Emotional Security, the paper offers an innovative taxonomy for identifying qualitatively different ways children try to preserve their Security and its innovative implications for more precisely informing understanding of the mechanisms in pathways between family and developmental precursors and children's trajectories of mental health. In the final section, the paper highlights the potential of the reformulation of Emotional Security theory to stimulate new generations of research on understanding how children defend against social threats in ecologies beyond the interparental dyad, including both familial and extrafamilial settings.

Marcie C Goekemorey - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • longitudinal pathways between political violence and child adjustment the role of Emotional Security about the community in northern ireland
    Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology, 2011
    Co-Authors: Mark E Cummings, Marcie C Goekemorey, Christine E Merrilees, Alice C Schermerhorn, Peter Shirlow, Ed Cairns
    Abstract:

    Links between political violence and children’s adjustment problems are well-documented. However, the mechanisms by which political tension and sectarian violence relate to children’s well-being and development are little understood. This study longitudinally examined children’s Emotional Security about community violence as a possible regulatory process in relations between community discord and children’s adjustment problems. Families were selected from 18 working class neighborhoods in Belfast, Northern Ireland. Participants (695 mothers and children, M = 12.17, SD = 1.82) were interviewed in their homes over three consecutive years. Findings supported the notion that politically-motivated community violence has distinctive effects on children’s externalizing and internalizing problems through the mechanism of increasing children’s Emotional inSecurity about community. Implications are considered for understanding relations between political violence and child adjustment from a social ecological perspective.

  • testing a social ecological model for relations between political violence and child adjustment in northern ireland
    Development and Psychopathology, 2010
    Co-Authors: Mark E Cummings, Marcie C Goekemorey, Christine E Merrilees, Alice C Schermerhorn, Peter Shirlow, Ed Cairns
    Abstract:

    Relations between political violence and child adjustment are matters of international concern. Past research demonstrates the significance of community, family, and child psychological processes in child adjustment, supporting study of interrelations between multiple social ecological factors and child adjustment in contexts of political violence. Testing a social ecological model, 300 mothers and their children (M = 12.28 years, SD = 1.77) from Catholic and Protestant working class neighborhoods in Belfast, Northern Ireland, completed measures of community discord, family relations, and children's regulatory processes (i.e., Emotional Security) and outcomes. Historical political violence in neighborhoods based on objective records (i.e., politically motivated deaths) were related to family members' reports of current sectarian antisocial behavior and nonsectarian antisocial behavior. Interparental conflict and parental monitoring and children's Emotional Security about both the community and family contributed to explanatory pathways for relations between sectarian antisocial behavior in communities and children's adjustment problems. The discussion evaluates support for social ecological models for relations between political violence and child adjustment and its implications for understanding relations in other parts of the world.

  • interparental discord and child adjustment prospective investigations of Emotional Security as an explanatory mechanism
    Child Development, 2006
    Co-Authors: Mark E Cummings, Patrick T Davies, Marcie C Goekemorey, Alice C Schermerhorn, Jennifer S Cummings
    Abstract:

    Advancing the process-oriented study of links between interparental discord and child adjustment, 2 multimethod prospective tests of Emotional Security as an explanatory mechanism are reported. On the basis of community samples, with waves spaced 2 years apart, Study 1 (113 boys and 113 girls, ages 9–18) identified Emotional Security as a mediator in a 2-wave test, whereas Study 2 (105 boys and 127 girls, ages 5–7) indicated Emotional Security as an intervening mechanism in a 3-wave test. Relations between discord and Emotional Security increased as children moved into adolescence in Study 1. Emotional Security was identified as an explanatory mechanism for both internalizing and externalizing problems in children.

  • marital conflict child Emotional Security about family relationships and child adjustment
    Social Development, 2004
    Co-Authors: Gordon Thomas Harold, Katherine Helen Shelton, Marcie C Goekemorey, Mark E Cummings
    Abstract:

    Addressing a gap in process-oriented understanding of relations between marital conflict and children's adjustment, propositions of the Emotional Security hypothesis from a family-wide perspective were tested in a longitudinal research design. Participants were 181 families and their 11-12 year-old-child (115 boys, 76 girls) living in Wales, in the United Kingdom. Relations between marital conflict, children's Emotional Security about marital conflict and parenting, respectively, and children's adjustment were assessed based on reports by mothers, fathers, and children and videotaped analogue procedures completed by children. Structural equation modelling indicated that children's Emotional Security about interparental conflict (Emotional regulation, cognitive representations and behavioural regulation) mediated the relation between marital conflict and children's Security about parenting. Processes pertaining to children's Security in multiple family systems (i.e., interparental and parent-child) provided an indirect mechanism through which interparental conflict affected children's symptoms of psychological distress (internalising and externalising problems) assessed 12 months later. Future directions for further tests of comprehensive, theoretically based models for the effects of marital conflict on children are discussed.

  • children s responses to everyday marital conflict tactics in the home
    Child Development, 2003
    Co-Authors: Mark E Cummings, Marcie C Goekemorey, Lauren M Papp
    Abstract:

    Mothers' and fathers' reports of marital conflicts in the home were obtained (n = 1,638 and 1,281 conflicts, respectively), including conflicts in front of the children (n = 580 and 377, respectively). Participants were 116 families with children 8 to 16 years old (M = 10.82 years, SD = 2.17; 58 boys, 58 girls). Children's Emotional responses indicated distinctions between distressing conflict tactics (i.e., threat, personal insult, verbal hostility, defensiveness, nonverbal hostility, marital withdrawal, physical distress) and those that increased their Emotional Security (i.e., calm discussion, support, affection). Analyses based on cross-reporter informants of parental conflict and child responses strengthened confidence in the findings. Conflict tactics were related to marital functioning, and children's Emotional reactions during marital conflicts were associated with their adjustment.

Keasberry I.n. - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • Elder care, old-age Security and social change in rural Yogyakarta, Indonesia = De zorg voor en bestaanszekerheid van ouderen tegen de achtergrond van sociale veranderingen in ruraal Yogyakarta, Indonesië
    S.n., 2002
    Co-Authors: Keasberry I.n.
    Abstract:

    This thesis describes the significance of the living conditions and care arrangements of older persons for their old-age Security in the villages of Kebonagung (regency of Bantul) and Giriwungu (regency of Gunung Kidul) in the Special Region of Yogyakarta, Indonesia.The world population is ageing. The United Nations designated the year 1999 as 'The Year of the Older Person', thereby recognising and reaffirming that the global population is ageing at an unprecedented rate. This is also the case for the population of Indonesia. In 1996, the Indonesian archipelago counted about 206.3 million people of which two-thirds live on the island of Java. The proportion of older people is still small compared to that of Western countries, but is increasing at a remarkably high rate. The elderly population was projected to increase by 191 percent between 1996 and 2025. The Special Region of Yogyakarta, a province in the central part of Java, is a front-runner in the ageing process.In combination with demographic change, the processes of social and economic change are affecting the Indonesian society. Traditionally, Javanese children are obligated to take care of their parents, especially when their parents have stopped working. When Javanese people became old and were no longer heads of complete households, no longer had young children, and were no longer economically productive, they used to live with their children or siblings' children or grandchildren. In practice this often meant that the youngest child, preferably a daughter, stayed behind in the parental house and co-resided with the parents after marriage. The intergenerational relationships guaranteed the parents' care and support in their old age. However, we expect that these kinds of living arrangements are changing as a consequence of processes of social change and that this will also affect the elder care practices. Households and families that have always provided the support and care for the large majority of elderly people in Indonesia are becoming smaller. Members of families are living further apart as a consequence of increased mobility and migration. It is no longer self-evident that women are working at home or around the house, since the participation of women in paid labour is increasing. In the context of rapid social and economic change, traditional support mechanisms can no longer be fully relied upon for the care of older people. In the near future, Indonesian people will be less certain that their children will care for them in their old age.Older persons in Indonesia are as yet little studied and there is a lack of theoretical conceptualization on (elder) care in developing countries. To enable formulation of appropriate policies, it is, however, necessary to understand how elder care and support are arranged. The amount of literature on older persons in Indonesia is limited. Most of the studies use the decennial national censuses and intercensal surveys of the Indonesian Central Bureau of Statistics ( Biro Pusat Statistik ) and are not based on actual data collection, especially of qualitative data. The majority of the studies are about Java or the whole of Indonesia. They studied the subjects of demographic ageing, socio-economic conditions and well-being of older persons, nutritional health and institutional care. There are no comprehensive studies available that focus on older persons' living conditions, care arrangements and old-age Security in rural Indonesia.The present study is part of the 'Household and family care for the elderly in an ageing society' project. The research project focuses on the issues of the socio-economic position of older people, the amount and kind of care and support needed by older people, the role of households, families and significant others in providing elder care, now and in the immediate future. The research project was set up with a comparative perspective towards rural and urban Yogyakarta on the one hand and rural Indonesia and a rural area in the Netherlands on the other hand. The different study areas share the common problem of the societal consequences of the ageing process. However, it was assumed that given the different demographic and socio-economic contexts, patterns of household and family care for older people as well as the socio-economic position of older people would differ.Developing countries in Asia offer a wide variety of cultural practices regarding care for and intergenerational relationships of older people. The Javanese have a bilateral kinship system that is generally characterised by the values of showing respect ( hormat ) and maintaining harmonious social appearances ( rukun ) towards older and senior relatives. The majority of the population adheres to Islam, a religion that emphasises intergenerational concern, kindness and mutual obligations, especially in matters of subsistence and general care.In Indonesia, rapid population growth is placing great strain on the government. However, the government provides limited special services for particular groups of older persons, and relies on private and charitable groups to assist in providing for the needy. Social Security programmes are typically limited to government-employed individuals with complementary special welfare programmes for the impoverished and the impaired. To be able to anticipate future needs of older persons and to formulate appropriate policies, it is important to know more about the living conditions of older persons and their care arrangements with household members, kin, friends and neighbours. The former government of Suharto (1966-1998) acknowledged the problem of the 'low priority' given to ageing and having 'inadequate information' about older persons and the problems they experience.The present research seeks to address both the issue of inadequate information and knowledge, and the absence of theoretical conceptualization. Therefore, the research objective has a descriptive and a theoretical component. This research aims to:Gain insight into the lives of older persons, particularly regarding the care they provide themselves and receive from others at the micro-level (household-kin-community). Moreover, it aims to identify the transitions in elder care to be better able to anticipate the needs for elder care in Indonesia in the future.Develop a theoretical framework for care that will be applicable in Indonesia and countries of similar socio-economic and cultural setting. The theoretical framework starts from the assumptions and concepts found in the literature, which are adapted to and tested in the local situation.This thesis has a societal and practical relevance for policymakers, who are expected to develop programmes and social services to accommodate the problems of old age and improve the lives of older people in rural Indonesia. It has a scientific and theoretical relevance for researchers, who want to study older persons and elder care in developing countries from a comparative perspective.The central question of the research is as follows:How does social change affect older persons' lives, and what is the significance of care arrangements and support relations for old-age Security?This question is broken down into a number of subsidiary questions, which will be dealt with in the following sections. Each research question will be answered by summarising the results of the research bearing on that point. Characteristics of older person's livesThere is a need to know more about the living conditions of older persons, to know more about the socio-demographic, health and economic characteristics of the lives of older persons. The first research question was, therefore, more generally phrased as:How can the lives of older persons be characterised?Chapter 6 describes the socio-demographic status of persons aged fifty-five years and older, who live in the Javanese villages of Kebonagung and Giriwungu in the Special Region Yogyakarta, Indonesia. The age distribution of the sample shows a slightly irregular pattern with relatively few people under 60 years old and more than could be expected above the age of 75. The sex distribution is skewed with more women than men in each age group, except the age group of 70-74. The older persons are 69 years old on average and they have more female than male peers. Most older persons say that they are Muslim. However, in practice they combine Islam with animistic and Hinduistic elements in a syncretic belief system in which the slametan plays a central part. The majority of the older persons did not receive any schooling, because there was no school in the village when they were young, and schooling was a privilege for the happy few. Almost two-thirds of the older persons are married and one-third are widowed. Their marriages were often arranged by the parents on the basis of practical reasons. The majority of the older persons live with their spouse and/or others, who usually are child(ren), a child-in-law and/or grandchildren. In general, an elderly household consists of nearly five persons and is a three-generation household. Most older persons have three children still alive of whom at least one lives with them or in the same village.Chapter 7 describes the health characteristics of older persons. We measured the relatively objective health situation with scales for nutritional health and ability to perform the personal/instrumental activities of daily life. Most respondents have a moderate nutritional health and are usually able to perform the personal and instrumental activities of daily life. However, older persons could improve their health by adding more nutritional value and variation to their diet. Subjective health was measured by self-reports of physical and mental well-being, capacity of the senses, minor and chronic illnesses. In general, older persons are in good health, although they suffer from at least one minor illness and half of them suffer from a chronic illness. Most respondents can use all their sense organs; problems are mostly related to seeing and hearing.We only found a few cases of demented, bedridden or destitute persons. Although mental well-being is difficult to assess, we hypothesised possible reasons for the low prevalence of dementia. Indonesian people seldom reach the ages characterised by dependency and dementia. Besides, older persons continue to be useful around the house and farm, and, therefore, may retain the capability to perform (instrumental) activities. They gradually reduce their activities and do not abruptly stop working. People generally stay in their own houses and are mentally involved with (grand) children, which may prevent them from becoming estranged from their environment as would occur if they moved to an institution.Chapter 8 describes the resources and assets that determine the livelihood of older persons. Resources are the immediate means necessary for livelihood generation. Access to work, individual income, household income, food crops, (fruit) trees, and water sources are important for the satisfaction of older person's daily needs. About half of the older respondents spend most of their time on work from which they earn an income in cash or in kind. A quarter spent most of their time on household activities, and another quarter performed other activities at home. These people could be called retired. Here retirement stands for not spending most of the time on income-generating activities. We found that people retire at the average age of 64 years while the life expectancy at birth is 65 years. Hence, we may say that in the rural areas of the Special Region Yogyakarta older people tend to work until they die.The individual income of older persons is lower than the officially set mean value of basic daily needs. The elderly household income is higher than the official minimum wage for a standardised household of two adults and two children. However, the research data and formal standards are difficult to compare due to measurement differences concerning rural and urban environments, informal and formal work, income in cash and in kind, and household composition. Nevertheless, for three-quarter of the older persons in the research the individual income is sufficient for their daily needs. For one-quarter it is not sufficient because they have an uncertain income or many needs to fulfil.Assets consist of a wide range of tangible and intangible stores of values or claims to assistance that can be converted into money if necessary. Ownership of a house made of durable building materials, household items, fertile farmland, and livestock is important for meeting basic needs, and for additional resources in times of need. In Kebonagung the houses in which older persons live are made of better materials and have better facilities than in Giriwungu. More than half of the elderly households do not have access to enough farmland (corrected for type of irrigation) to meet their basic needs. Almost ten percent of the households are considered landless, and most of these are in Kebonagung. People in Kebonagung more often have income from sources other than agricultural production than in Giriwungu. Patterns of elder careWe are primarily interested in the care arrangements and support network relations of older persons; specifically the care activities that older persons provide for themselves, that people in their personal network can provide for them, and the care they can provide for others. The care arrangement is defined as the totality of all settlements about the care and support activities between an older person and others. The support network relations are narrowed down to the supporting ties of the older person with household members, other kin, neighbours and friends, social organisations and neighbourhood groups. The individual care arrangements and support relations of older persons result in patterns of elder care. Hence, the second research question was phrased as:What patterns of elder care can be distinguished?Chapter 9 describes the living arrangements and daily care practices within elderly households. The availability, coresidence and proximity of children together make up the living arrangements of older persons. It does not mean that care and support is automatically provided to an older person when s/he lives with a child or has children living nearby. However, living with children indicates a possible source of care and support, and it influences the perspective and expectations of older persons with regard to support. Very few people have no children, but the majority of these childless people live with other relatives. The childless people who live alone are all women and, given the absence of a social Security scheme, they are probably most vulnerable when they are in need of support. Most older persons live with or close to (some of) their children and hence apply for support from them. However, a large majority does not need help with the personal or instrumental activities of daily life, because they can still perform them without difficulty. The few persons who need help with the personal or instrumental activities, are mainly supported by a coresiding daughter. Although other studies report a preference of older parents for coresidence with a daughter, we only found a weakly significant confirmation of this hypothesis. We found that older mothers seem to prefer living together with a son. The distance at which children live from their parents does not seem to have implications for the daily care that parents receive. Most care is still provided by children, who live with the parents or live in the same village. However, we found some indication that respondents who have nobody near who can help, are reluctant to confess that they need help.Chapter 10 describes the relations of material, Emotional and social support in and beyond the elderly household. Material support consists of money and material goods. Less than half of the older persons receives monetary support and only a quarter receive support in kind such as food or clothes. In general material support is received regularly: monetary support every three weeks and support in kind every ten days approximately. The main sources of financial support are sons. It is common practice that financial responsibilities and power are gradually transferred from the older persons to the younger persons in the extended household. We have hypothesised that migrated children would support their parents more by sending money home. Indeed, the proximity of children has implications for the financial care that parents receive. Parents with children living at a larger distance receive significantly higher yearly amounts of money than parents with children living nearby.Emotional support was operationalised as advice, trust and social contact exchanged outside the household. It was difficult to ask questions about advice and trust, because Javanese people do not easily talk about private matters. The responses to questions about social contact were easier to obtain. The majority of the older persons talked with neighbours and friends every other day. The different words for small talk ( omong-omong ), visiting for pleasure ( main, dolan ) and visiting a sick person ( besuk ) have different connotations and uses. We observed that children who live far away from their parents do not visit them regularly. Not even when the children live in Yogyakarta, which is only fifteen to twenty-five kilometres away from the study areas. They don't even return home at Lebaran at the end of the Fasting month ( Idul Fitri ), when children are expected to show respect to older persons and are expected to visit and bring presents to their parents.The social activities in which an older person participates constitute a social network and create a potential source of support. The social activities, which are most popular among older persons, are organised by the neighbourhood. The social networks of gotong royong (mutual assistance group), arisan dan simpan pinjam (saving and credit group), ronda (nights patrol group), Dasa Wisma (women's information group), pengajian (Koran recitation group) and lingkungan (social circle of direct neighbours) provide financial or labour support in a direct and reciprocal way. However, a person is only assured of support from these networks as long as at least one household member participates. Therefore, these social activities are not beneficial for the oldest people, who cannot participate anymore and who do not live together with a participating household member. Older persons who live alone, do not live with a child, or only have children living at a large distance are the most vulnerable to a lack of Emotional and social support. Old-age Security and livelihood strategiesTo be able to assess, act on and prevent problems with care for older persons, it is useful to have indicators for old-age Security. Old-age Security is defined as the relative state of Security of older persons, which refers to their food Security, health Security, physical Security, economic Security and Emotional Security. We are interested in how secure older persons feel and what factors influence this Security. Hence, the third research question was formulated as follows:What factors affect old-age Security?Chapter 11 describes how we developed the old-age Security scale, as an indicator of the older person's subjective feelings of Security. We hypothesised that older women, female widows and the oldest persons will be more vulnerable to inSecurity, but this was not confirmed. Gender, age or marital status have no effect on perceived old-age Security. We also hypothesised that older persons will be less secure in Giriwungu than in Kebonagung. However, we found that it was just the other way around. This study shows that economic factors are less important than social factors for feelings of Security of older persons. The main indicators proved to be the ability to perform the (instrumental) activities of daily life (IADL) and health. Besides, the economic asset of farmland acreage is a determinant of perceived old-age Security.We assume that persons have strategies to provide for a secure and quiet old age. A livelihood strategy is defined as the ability to maintain and improve (old age) Security while maintaining or enhancing the assets and resources on which households depend. The fourth research question was formulated as follows:What livelihood strategies secure old age?Chapter 11 describes the strategies of care arrangement, remarriage, moving house, support mobilisation and delayed property transfer. The ca

  • Elder Care, Old-Age Security and Social Change in Rural Yogyakarta, Indonesia / De zorg voor en bestaanszekerheid van ouderen tegen de achtergrond van sociale veranderingen in ruraal Yogyakarta, Indonesië
    s.n.], 2002
    Co-Authors: Keasberry I.n.
    Abstract:

    This thesis describes the significance of the living conditions and care arrangements of older persons for their old-age Security in the villages of Kebonagung (regency of Bantul) and Giriwungu (regency of Gunung Kidul) in the Special Region of Yogyakarta, Indonesia.The world population is ageing. The United Nations designated the year 1999 as 'The Year of the Older Person', thereby recognising and reaffirming that the global population is ageing at an unprecedented rate. This is also the case for the population of Indonesia. In 1996, the Indonesian archipelago counted about 206.3 million people of which two-thirds live on the island of Java. The proportion of older people is still small compared to that of Western countries, but is increasing at a remarkably high rate. The elderly population was projected to increase by 191 percent between 1996 and 2025. The Special Region of Yogyakarta, a province in the central part of Java, is a front-runner in the ageing process.In combination with demographic change, the processes of social and economic change are affecting the Indonesian society. Traditionally, Javanese children are obligated to take care of their parents, especially when their parents have stopped working. When Javanese people became old and were no longer heads of complete households, no longer had young children, and were no longer economically productive, they used to live with their children or siblings' children or grandchildren. In practice this often meant that the youngest child, preferably a daughter, stayed behind in the parental house and co-resided with the parents after marriage. The intergenerational relationships guaranteed the parents' care and support in their old age. However, we expect that these kinds of living arrangements are changing as a consequence of processes of social change and that this will also affect the elder care practices. Households and families that have always provided the support and care for the large majority of elderly people in Indonesia are becoming smaller. Members of families are living further apart as a consequence of increased mobility and migration. It is no longer self-evident that women are working at home or around the house, since the participation of women in paid labour is increasing. In the context of rapid social and economic change, traditional support mechanisms can no longer be fully relied upon for the care of older people. In the near future, Indonesian people will be less certain that their children will care for them in their old age.Older persons in Indonesia are as yet little studied and there is a lack of theoretical conceptualization on (elder) care in developing countries. To enable formulation of appropriate policies, it is, however, necessary to understand how elder care and support are arranged. The amount of literature on older persons in Indonesia is limited. Most of the studies use the decennial national censuses and intercensal surveys of the Indonesian Central Bureau of Statistics ( Biro Pusat Statistik ) and are not based on actual data collection, especially of qualitative data. The majority of the studies are about Java or the whole of Indonesia. They studied the subjects of demographic ageing, socio-economic conditions and well-being of older persons, nutritional health and institutional care. There are no comprehensive studies available that focus on older persons' living conditions, care arrangements and old-age Security in rural Indonesia.The present study is part of the 'Household and family care for the elderly in an ageing society' project. The research project focuses on the issues of the socio-economic position of older people, the amount and kind of care and support needed by older people, the role of households, families and significant others in providing elder care, now and in the immediate future. The research project was set up with a comparative perspective towards rural and urban Yogyakarta on the one hand and rural Indonesia and a rural area in the Netherlands on the other hand. The different study areas share the common problem of the societal consequences of the ageing process. However, it was assumed that given the different demographic and socio-economic contexts, patterns of household and family care for older people as well as the socio-economic position of older people would differ.Developing countries in Asia offer a wide variety of cultural practices regarding care for and intergenerational relationships of older people. The Javanese have a bilateral kinship system that is generally characterised by the values of showing respect ( hormat ) and maintaining harmonious social appearances ( rukun ) towards older and senior relatives. The majority of the population adheres to Islam, a religion that emphasises intergenerational concern, kindness and mutual obligations, especially in matters of subsistence and general care.In Indonesia, rapid population growth is placing great strain on the government. However, the government provides limited special services for particular groups of older persons, and relies on private and charitable groups to assist in providing for the needy. Social Security programmes are typically limited to government-employed individuals with complementary special welfare programmes for the impoverished and the impaired. To be able to anticipate future needs of older persons and to formulate appropriate policies, it is important to know more about the living conditions of older persons and their care arrangements with household members, kin, friends and neighbours. The former government of Suharto (1966-1998) acknowledged the problem of the 'low priority' given to ageing and having 'inadequate information' about older persons and the problems they experience.The present research seeks to address both the issue of inadequate information and knowledge, and the absence of theoretical conceptualization. Therefore, the research objective has a descriptive and a theoretical component. This research aims to:Gain insight into the lives of older persons, particularly regarding the care they provide themselves and receive from others at the micro-level (household-kin-community). Moreover, it aims to identify the transitions in elder care to be better able to anticipate the needs for elder care in Indonesia in the future.Develop a theoretical framework for care that will be applicable in Indonesia and countries of similar socio-economic and cultural setting. The theoretical framework starts from the assumptions and concepts found in the literature, which are adapted to and tested in the local situation.This thesis has a societal and practical relevance for policymakers, who are expected to develop programmes and social services to accommodate the problems of old age and improve the lives of older people in rural Indonesia. It has a scientific and theoretical relevance for researchers, who want to study older persons and elder care in developing countries from a comparative perspective.The central question of the research is as follows:How does social change affect older persons' lives, and what is the significance of care arrangements and support relations for old-age Security?This question is broken down into a number of subsidiary questions, which will be dealt with in the following sections. Each research question will be answered by summarising the results of the research bearing on that point. Characteristics of older person's livesThere is a need to know more about the living conditions of older persons, to know more about the socio-demographic, health and economic characteristics of the lives of older persons. The first research question was, therefore, more generally phrased as:How can the lives of older persons be characterised?Chapter 6 describes the socio-demographic status of persons aged fifty-five years and older, who live in the Javanese villages of Kebonagung and Giriwungu in the Special Region Yogyakarta, Indonesia. The age distribution of the sample shows a slightly irregular pattern with relatively few people under 60 years old and more than could be expected above the age of 75. The sex distribution is skewed with more women than men in each age group, except the age group of 70-74. The older persons are 69 years old on average and they have more female than male peers. Most older persons say that they are Muslim. However, in practice they combine Islam with animistic and Hinduistic elements in a syncretic belief system in which the slametan plays a central part. The majority of the older persons did not receive any schooling, because there was no school in the village when they were young, and schooling was a privilege for the happy few. Almost two-thirds of the older persons are married and one-third are widowed. Their marriages were often arranged by the parents on the basis of practical reasons. The majority of the older persons live with their spouse and/or others, who usually are child(ren), a child-in-law and/or grandchildren. In general, an elderly household consists of nearly five persons and is a three-generation household. Most older persons have three children still alive of whom at least one lives with them or in the same village.Chapter 7 describes the health characteristics of older persons. We measured the relatively objective health situation with scales for nutritional health and ability to perform the personal/instrumental activities of daily life. Most respondents have a moderate nutritional health and are usually able to perform the personal and instrumental activities of daily life. However, older persons could improve their health by adding more nutritional value and variation to their diet. Subjective health was measured by self-reports of physical and mental well-being, capacity of the senses, minor and chronic illnesses. In general, older persons are in good health, although they suffer from at least one minor illness and half of them suffer from a chronic illness. Most respondents can use all their sense organs; problems are mostly related to seeing and hearing.We only found a few cases of demented, bedridden or destitute persons. Although mental well-being is difficult to assess, we hypothesised possible reasons for the low prevalence of dementia. Indonesian people seldom reach the ages characterised by dependency and dementia. Besides, older persons continue to be useful around the house and farm, and, therefore, may retain the capability to perform (instrumental) activities. They gradually reduce their activities and do not abruptly stop working. People generally stay in their own houses and are mentally involved with (grand) children, which may prevent them from becoming estranged from their environment as would occur if they moved to an institution.Chapter 8 describes the resources and assets that determine the livelihood of older persons. Resources are the immediate means necessary for livelihood generation. Access to work, individual income, household income, food crops, (fruit) trees, and water sources are important for the satisfaction of older person's daily needs. About half of the older respondents spend most of their time on work from which they earn an income in cash or in kind. A quarter spent most of their time on household activities, and another quarter performed other activities at home. These people could be called retired. Here retirement stands for not spending most of the time on income-generating activities. We found that people retire at the average age of 64 years while the life expectancy at birth is 65 years. Hence, we may say that in the rural areas of the Special Region Yogyakarta older people tend to work until they die.The individual income of older persons is lower than the officially set mean value of basic daily needs. The elderly household income is higher than the official minimum wage for a standardised household of two adults and two children. However, the research data and formal standards are difficult to compare due to measurement differences concerning rural and urban environments, informal and formal work, income in cash and in kind, and household composition. Nevertheless, for three-quarter of the older persons in the research the individual income is sufficient for their daily needs. For one-quarter it is not sufficient because they have an uncertain income or many needs to fulfil.Assets consist of a wide range of tangible and intangible stores of values or claims to assistance that can be converted into money if necessary. Ownership of a house made of durable building materials, household items, fertile farmland, and livestock is important for meeting basic needs, and for additional resources in times of need. In Kebonagung the houses in which older persons live are made of better materials and have better facilities than in Giriwungu. More than half of the elderly households do not have access to enough farmland (corrected for type of irrigation) to meet their basic needs. Almost ten percent of the households are considered landless, and most of these are in Kebonagung. People in Kebonagung more often have income from sources other than agricultural production than in Giriwungu. Patterns of elder careWe are primarily interested in the care arrangements and support network relations of older persons; specifically the care activities that older persons provide for themselves, that people in their personal network can provide for them, and the care they can provide for others. The care arrangement is defined as the totality of all settlements about the care and support activities between an older person and others. The support network relations are narrowed down to the supporting ties of the older person with household members, other kin, neighbours and friends, social organisations and neighbourhood groups. The individual care arrangements and support relations of older persons result in patterns of elder care. Hence, the second research question was phrased as:What patterns of elder care can be distinguished?Chapter 9 describes the living arrangements and daily care practices within elderly households. The availability, coresidence and proximity of children together make up the living arrangements of older persons. It does not mean that care and support is automatically provided to an older person when s/he lives with a child or has children living nearby. However, living with children indicates a possible source of care and support, and it influences the perspective and expectations of older persons with regard to support. Very few people have no children, but the majority of these childless people live with other relatives. The childless people who live alone are all women and, given the absence of a social Security scheme, they are probably most vulnerable when they are in need of support. Most older persons live with or close to (some of) their children and hence apply for support from them. However, a large majority does not need help with the personal or instrumental activities of daily life, because they can still perform them without difficulty. The few persons who need help with the personal or instrumental activities, are mainly supported by a coresiding daughter. Although other studies report a preference of older parents for coresidence with a daughter, we only found a weakly significant confirmation of this hypothesis. We found that older mothers seem to prefer living together with a son. The distance at which children live from their parents does not seem to have implications for the daily care that parents receive. Most care is still provided by children, who live with the parents or live in the same village. However, we found some indication that respondents who have nobody near who can help, are reluctant to confess that they need help.Chapter 10 describes the relations of material, Emotional and social support in and beyond the elderly household. Material support consists of money and material goods. Less than half of the older persons receives monetary support and only a quarter receive support in kind such as food or clothes. In general material support is received regularly: monetary support every three weeks and support in kind every ten days approximately. The main sources of financial support are sons. It is common practice that financial responsibilities and power are gradually transferred from the older persons to the younger persons in the extended household. We have hypothesised that migrated children would support their parents more by sending money home. Indeed, the proximity of children has implications for the financial care that parents receive. Parents with children living at a larger distance receive significantly higher yearly amounts of money than parents with children living nearby.Emotional support was operationalised as advice, trust and social contact exchanged outside the household. It was difficult to ask questions about advice and trust, because Javanese people do not easily talk about private matters. The responses to questions about social contact were easier to obtain. The majority of the older persons talked with neighbours and friends every other day. The different words for small talk ( omong-omong ), visiting for pleasure ( main, dolan ) and visiting a sick person ( besuk ) have different connotations and uses. We observed that children who live far away from their parents do not visit them regularly. Not even when the children live in Yogyakarta, which is only fifteen to twenty-five kilometres away from the study areas. They don't even return home at Lebaran at the end of the Fasting month ( Idul Fitri ), when children are expected to show respect to older persons and are expected to visit and bring presents to their parents.The social activities in which an older person participates constitute a social network and create a potential source of support. The social activities, which are most popular among older persons, are organised by the neighbourhood. The social networks of gotong royong (mutual assistance group), arisan dan simpan pinjam (saving and credit group), ronda (nights patrol group), Dasa Wisma (women's information group), pengajian (Koran recitation group) and lingkungan (social circle of direct neighbours) provide financial or labour support in a direct and reciprocal way. However, a person is only assured of support from these networks as long as at least one household member participates. Therefore, these social activities are not beneficial for the oldest people, who cannot participate anymore and who do not live together with a participating household member. Older persons who live alone, do not live with a child, or only have children living at a large distance are the most vulnerable to a lack of Emotional and social support. Old-age Security and livelihood strategiesTo be able to assess, act on and prevent problems with care for older persons, it is useful to have indicators for old-age Security. Old-age Security is defined as the relative state of Security of older persons, which refers to their food Security, health Security, physical Security, economic Security and Emotional Security. We are interested in how secure older persons feel and what factors influence this Security. Hence, the third research question was formulated as follows:What factors affect old-age Security?Chapter 11 describes how we developed the old-age Security scale, as an indicator of the older person's subjective feelings of Security. We hypothesised that older women, female widows and the oldest persons will be more vulnerable to inSecurity, but this was not confirmed. Gender, age or marital status have no effect on perceived old-age Security. We also hypothesised that older persons will be less secure in Giriwungu than in Kebonagung. However, we found that it was just the other way around. This study shows that economic factors are less important than social factors for feelings of Security of older persons. The main indicators proved to be the ability to perform the (instrumental) activities of daily life (IADL) and health. Besides, the economic asset of farmland acreage is a determinant of perceived old-age Security.We assume that persons have strategies to provide for a secure and quiet old age. A livelihood strategy is defined as the ability to maintain and improve (old age) Security while maintaining or enhancing the assets and resources on which households depend. The fourth research question was formulated as follows:What livelihood strategies secure old age?Chapter 11 describes the strategies of care arrangement, remarriage, moving house, support mobilisation and delayed property transfer. The care arrangement strategy of having many children to provide for a secure old age seems to have an effect on the perceived old-age Security. However, the effect cannot be explained by the coresidence of the children. The effect can partly be explained by the care received for personal activities of daily life, which is usually provided within the elderly household or by non-coresiding children. We could not demonstrate the existence of a strategy of remarriage, house move or delayed property transfer. The

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  • marital conflict child Emotional Security about family relationships and child adjustment
    Social Development, 2004
    Co-Authors: Gordon Thomas Harold, Katherine Helen Shelton, Marcie C Goekemorey, Mark E Cummings
    Abstract:

    Addressing a gap in process-oriented understanding of relations between marital conflict and children's adjustment, propositions of the Emotional Security hypothesis from a family-wide perspective were tested in a longitudinal research design. Participants were 181 families and their 11-12 year-old-child (115 boys, 76 girls) living in Wales, in the United Kingdom. Relations between marital conflict, children's Emotional Security about marital conflict and parenting, respectively, and children's adjustment were assessed based on reports by mothers, fathers, and children and videotaped analogue procedures completed by children. Structural equation modelling indicated that children's Emotional Security about interparental conflict (Emotional regulation, cognitive representations and behavioural regulation) mediated the relation between marital conflict and children's Security about parenting. Processes pertaining to children's Security in multiple family systems (i.e., interparental and parent-child) provided an indirect mechanism through which interparental conflict affected children's symptoms of psychological distress (internalising and externalising problems) assessed 12 months later. Future directions for further tests of comprehensive, theoretically based models for the effects of marital conflict on children are discussed.

  • categories and continua of destructive and constructive marital conflict tactics from the perspective of u s and welsh children
    Journal of Family Psychology, 2003
    Co-Authors: Marcie C Goekemorey, Mark E Cummings, Gordon Thomas Harold, Katherine Helen Shelton
    Abstract:

    Categories and continua of parents' marital conflict tactics based on multiple, conceptually grounded criteria were tested. Participants were 175 U.S. children, ages 8-16 years (88 boys, 87 girls) and 327 Welsh children, ages 11-12 years (159 boys, 168 girls). Children's responses (affective, cognitive, behavioral) to analog presentations of 10 everyday marital conflict tactics enacted by fathers or mothers showed substantial variation as a function of tactic used. Orderings of conflict tactics on the various response criteria varied as a function of moderators, particularly the gender of the parent expressing the conflict tactic. Conflict tactics were classified as either constructive or destructive according to criteria derived from the Emotional Security hypothesis. Except for calm discussion, classifications did not change regardless of cultural group, parent gender, or child age or gender. Recommendations for negotiating everyday marital conflict for the children's sake are discussed.