Governmental Power

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Alison L Lacroix - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • rhetoric and reality in early american legal history a reply to gordon wood
    2011
    Co-Authors: Alison L Lacroix
    Abstract:

    In this reply to a review by Gordon Wood of Alison LaCroix’s book The Ideological Origins of American Federalism (Harvard University Press, 2010), LaCroix corrects several of Wood’s misstatements about the book and expands upon the book’s main themes. The book’s central claim is that the debates of the 1760s through the 1780s culminated in a new constitutionalization of federalism, a process that continued into the early 1800s. From a disconnected and sometimes ambiguous set of arguments about divided sovereignty in politics, American colonists and early republicans fashioned a new architecture of legal and constitutional authority built on a subject-matter-based division of Governmental Power. In contrast to earlier systems – whether formal or informal – of polycentric government, late-eighteenth- and early-nineteenth-century American federalism was specifically designed to avoid the ancient problem of imperium in imperio, or dominion within a dominion, that had troubled the British Atlantic political world for decades. The significant innovation of the American federal idea was to authorize the division of sovereignty and to create viable legal categories that could contain multiple sources of Governmental Power within one overarching system. LaCroix discusses the substantive issues of popular sovereignty and judicial review, as well as the relationship between ideas and experience in historical methodology.

  • rhetoric and reality in early american legal history a reply to gordon wood
    University of Chicago Law Review, 2011
    Co-Authors: Alison L Lacroix
    Abstract:

    I thank Gordon Wood for his substantive engagement with the arguments in my book, and I welcome the opportunity to exchange views on these major historical and historiographical issues with one of the most important living US historians. There are many places in which we agree, although these might be obscured by the sharp tone of his review. But there are also many points on which we disagree, and I am eager to address those issues. Wood misstates the main argument of my book. My claim, in its strongest form, is that the debates of the 1760s through the 1780s culminated in a new constitutionalization of federalism, a process that continued into the 1800s. From a disconnected and sometimes ambiguous set of arguments about divided sovereignty in politics, American colonists and early republicans fashioned a new architecture of legal and constitutional authority built on a subject-matter division of Governmental Power. In contrast to earlier systems—whether formal or informal—of polycentric government, the federalism of the late eighteenthand early nineteenth-century United States was specifically designed to avoid the ancient problem of imperium in imperio, or dominion within a dominion, that had so troubled the British Atlantic political world for decades. The significant innovation of the American federal idea was to authorize the division of sovereignty and to create viable legal categories that could contain multiple sources of Governmental Power within one overarching system.

Markus T Funk - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • what us law reformers can learn from germany s value explicit approach to self defense
    Social Science Research Network, 2021
    Co-Authors: Markus T Funk
    Abstract:

    The exercise of self-preferential force to fend off an actual or perceived threat finds itself at the center of today’s simmering criminal justice reform debate. Never before has where - and how - to draw the boundary between Governmental Power and individual rights received so much attention. Unfortunately, the scholarship on this core criminal law topic has largely atrophied. We seem to be making little progress when it comes to gaining a better understanding of when, how, and why the state should authorize defensive force against another. Sometimes a look beyond our own borders is needed to kick-start reform-minded thinking. Whether in the context of police use of force, battered intimate partner cases, or other defense of person or property situations, no group of scholars has given the critical value-judgments anchoring this “ancient civil right” more attention than those in Germany’s legal academy. But despite a scholarly output on these topics that is unsurpassed in terms of both analytical depth and sheer volume, surprisingly little is known in the English-speaking world about Germany’s unique approach to this controversial topic. What makes this myopia particularly unfortunate is that, while legal commentators in the United States and elsewhere focus almost exclusively on the criminal law’s outcome-driven “technical” aspects and rules, generations of German scholars have rooted out the complexities involved. They for decades have uniquely engaged in deep discussions over the bedrock values at play when a justice system authorizes one citizen to kill another in self-defense. This article argues that U.S. scholars, policy-makers, judges, and criminal law practitioners interested in meaningful criminal justice reform have much to gain by understanding Germany’s transparent, value-driven approach. The goal here, then, is both descriptive and proscriptive. It will provide the first fully comprehensive English-language analysis (and critique) of Germany’s storied self-defense law. But more than that, it put on firmer footing the means of analyzing self-defense’s critical value-judgments that are all but ignored in the English-language literature. This is among the most important times in recent history for our justice system to shore up its moral credibility. By following (and, in fact, improving on) the German model’s unique focus on the values grounding self-defense, rather than remaining fixated simply on rules and outcomes, we position ourselves to significantly reduce the corrosive role played by hidden normativity and buried baselines. This, in turn, will advance the type of transparent and democratic decision-making necessary if we are to succeed in finally making thoughtful choices among available self-defense options.

Nicola Ansell - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • Shaping global education: international agendas and Governmental Power
    International Development Planning Review, 2015
    Co-Authors: Nicola Ansell
    Abstract:

    This paper takes as its starting point Bill Gould's (1993) People and education in the Third World and examines changes in education systems in the Global South over the two decades since the book's publication. It focuses particularly on the role of global institutions and the ways in which they exercise control over and through education. Outlining the key processes shaping education in the 1980s and early 1990s, and those operating today, the paper argues that global institutions increasingly operate through the subtle but pervasive technologies of Power associated with neoliberal Governmentality.

Reem Segev - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • Governmental Power quality or identity comments on alon harel s argument against outsourcing violence
    Social Science Research Network, 2011
    Co-Authors: Reem Segev
    Abstract:

    What is the appropriate division of Power between public officials and private individuals? The straightforward answer to this question, it seems, is that an official should have a Power if she employs it (morally) better compared to a private individual. However, Alon Harel argues that this answer is misguided, or at least partially, since there are some decisions — mainly concerning the employment of violence — that should be made and implemented only by public officials regardless of the (relative) moral quality of the decision or action. In this comment I consider and criticize this argument.

Tais Pagoto Bélo - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • Boudica and the feminine facets over time : nationalism, feminism, memory and Power
    2017
    Co-Authors: Tais Pagoto Bélo
    Abstract:

    Resumo: Esta tese teve como intuito o estudo da personagem Boudica, rainha Bretã da tribo dos Iceni, que liderou um exército contra o Império Romano durante o século I d.C. É tida, atualmente, como um símbolo polivalente para os Britânicos, e encontra-se guardada na memória coletiva. A rainha guerreira foi uma representação feminina para as mulheres de poder da Inglaterra, tais como rainha Elizabeth I e rainha Vitória, tendo sido utilizada como uma insígnia de luta para as sufragistas e aproveitada como uma reprodução nacionalista. Sua imagem foi descrita, em primeira mão, na Antiguidade, por Tácito e Dião Cássio. O primeiro autor mencionou que, por ser uma mulher, não lhe cabiam o governo e a liderança, ao passo que para o segundo ela era física e psicologicamente retratada como uma mulher masculina, com a voz, o tamanho e as armas de um homem. Contudo, as informações e os escritos dos antigos autores foram posteriormente utilizados para outros trabalhos artísticos, bem como para peças de teatro, esculturas, livros, pinturas, trabalhos políticos e até mesmo charges que envolviam a figura feminina de Boudica. Essas obras, entretanto, não deixaram de apresentar a concepção social em relação à mulher diante da figura de Boudica. De modo a acrescentar, este estudo demonstra como o século XIX e o início do XX valeram-se dessa imagem e a legitimaram por meio de uma cultura material constituída por estátuas localizadas nas cidades de Londres, Cardiff e Colchester, e por um vitral, o qual se encontra nesta última localidade. Contudo, a validação da rainha guerreira, pelo poder governamental, se deu a partir do conceito de `tradição¿, em voga nesse período, para fins nacionalistas. Dessa forma, os Britânicos utilizaram símbolos como bandeiras, hinos nacionais e até mesmo a personificação da nação, com o intuito de conceber a própria pátria. Essas reproduções estariam ligadas às práticas governamentais, teriam seus próprios valores e regras, seriam facilmente aceitos pelo povo e teriam uma conexão com o passado (Hobsbawm, 1993). Embora Boudica tenha sido lembrada por quase cinco séculos e se tornado uma figura familiar para os ingleses, não quer dizer que historiadores e arqueólogos saibam muito ao seu respeito. De outra forma, constatou-se por entrevistas feitas nos museus de Norwich, Norwich Castle Museum & Art Gallery, de Colchester, Colchester Castle Museum, de Londres, Museum of London e de St. Albans, Verulamium Museum, que sua figura continua presente na memória coletiva dos britânicos. Sendo assim, conclui-se que o presente estudo teve como essência os usos do passado diante de Boudica, sua importância e seu significado, tendo em vista que objetos, patrimônios, estátuas, pinturas, construções e outros encontram-se enraizados na cultura e na história de um grupo ou uma nação e são envolvidos em sentimentos, memória, honra, nostalgia e poder.Abstract: This thesis was intended to study the character of Boudica, a Breton Queen from the Iceni tribe, who led an army against the Roman Empire during the first century before Christ. Boudica is currently held as a polyvalent symbol to the British and she is also stored in their collective memory. The warrior Queen was a feminine representation to Powerful women in England, such as Queen Elizabeth I and Queen Victoria, and her image was utilized by suffragists as a fighting insignia, as well as a national reproduction. Tacitus and Cassius Dio described her image at first hand, in the Antiquity. The first author mentioned that, since she was a woman, the government and the leadership did not suit her. Meanwhile, for the second author she was psychologically and physically represented as a masculinized woman, who had the voice, the size and the weapons of a man. However, the information and the writing of the ancient writers were used in the posterity for other artistic works, such as plays, sculptures, books, pictures, politician works and even cartoons, which involved the feminine figure of Boudica, although these works no longer placed the social conception relating those women to the figure of Boudica. Furthermore, this study demonstrates how the Nineteenth and the beginning of the Twentieth century used this image and how it was legitimized by means of a material culture, which is constituted of statues located at the cities of London, Cardiff and Colchester, as well as of a Stained Glass window, which is displayed in the Town Hall of the last city. Nevertheless, the validation of the warrior queen by the Governmental Power was given by the `tradition' concept, in vogue then, to national purposes. Thus, the British utilized the symbols, such as flags, anthems and even a personification of the nation to conceive their own homeland. Such reproductions were linked to government practices, had their own values and rules, were easily accepted by the people and had a connection with the past (Hobsbawm, 1993). Although Boudica has been remembered for almost five centuries and turned into a familiar figure to the English, it does not mean that historians and archaeologists know much about her. On the other hand, it was found, through interviews done in the museums of Norwich, Norwich Castle Museum & Art Gallery, of Colchester, Colchester Castle Museum, of London, Museum of London and of St. Albans, Verulamium Museum, that she is still alive in the collective memory of the British. Thus, it is concluded that the present study had as essence the uses of the past before Boudica, as well as her importance and meaning. And also that objects, patrimonies, statues, pictures and constructions are rooted in the culture and in the history of a group or a nation and are surrounded by feelings, memory, honor, nostalgia and Power

  • Boudica and the feminine facets over time : nationalism, feminism, memory and Power
    Universidade Estadual de Campinas. Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas, 2014
    Co-Authors: Tais Pagoto Bélo
    Abstract:

    Esta tese teve como intuito o estudo da personagem Boudica, rainha Bretã da tribo dos Iceni, que liderou um exército contra o Império Romano durante o século I d.C. É tida, atualmente, como um símbolo polivalente para os Britânicos, e encontra-se guardada na memória coletiva. A rainha guerreira foi uma representação feminina para as mulheres de poder da Inglaterra, tais como rainha Elizabeth I e rainha Vitória, tendo sido utilizada como uma insígnia de luta para as sufragistas e aproveitada como uma reprodução nacionalista. Sua imagem foi descrita, em primeira mão, na Antiguidade, por Tácito e Dião Cássio. O primeiro autor mencionou que, por ser uma mulher, não lhe cabiam o governo e a liderança, ao passo que para o segundo ela era física e psicologicamente retratada como uma mulher masculina, com a voz, o tamanho e as armas de um homem. Contudo, as informações e os escritos dos antigos autores foram posteriormente utilizados para outros trabalhos artísticos, bem como para peças de teatro, esculturas, livros, pinturas, trabalhos políticos e até mesmo charges que envolviam a figura feminina de Boudica. Essas obras, entretanto, não deixaram de apresentar a concepção social em relação à mulher diante da figura de Boudica. De modo a acrescentar, este estudo demonstra como o século XIX e o início do XX valeram-se dessa imagem e a legitimaram por meio de uma cultura material constituída por estátuas localizadas nas cidades de Londres, Cardiff e Colchester, e por um vitral, o qual se encontra nesta última localidade. Contudo, a validação da rainha guerreira, pelo poder governamental, se deu a partir do conceito de `tradição¿, em voga nesse período, para fins nacionalistas. Dessa forma, os Britânicos utilizaram símbolos como bandeiras, hinos nacionais e até mesmo a personificação da nação, com o intuito de conceber a própria pátria. Essas reproduções estariam ligadas às práticas governamentais, teriam seus próprios valores e regras, seriam facilmente aceitos pelo povo e teriam uma conexão com o passado (Hobsbawm, 1993). Embora Boudica tenha sido lembrada por quase cinco séculos e se tornado uma figura familiar para os ingleses, não quer dizer que historiadores e arqueólogos saibam muito ao seu respeito. De outra forma, constatou-se por entrevistas feitas nos museus de Norwich, Norwich Castle Museum & Art Gallery, de Colchester, Colchester Castle Museum, de Londres, Museum of London e de St. Albans, Verulamium Museum, que sua figura continua presente na memória coletiva dos britânicos. Sendo assim, conclui-se que o presente estudo teve como essência os usos do passado diante de Boudica, sua importância e seu significado, tendo em vista que objetos, patrimônios, estátuas, pinturas, construções e outros encontram-se enraizados na cultura e na história de um grupo ou uma nação e são envolvidos em sentimentos, memória, honra, nostalgia e poder.This thesis was intended to study the character of Boudica, a Breton Queen from the Iceni tribe, who led an army against the Roman Empire during the first century before Christ. Boudica is currently held as a polyvalent symbol to the British and she is also stored in their collective memory. The warrior Queen was a feminine representation to Powerful women in England, such as Queen Elizabeth I and Queen Victoria, and her image was utilized by suffragists as a fighting insignia, as well as a national reproduction. Tacitus and Cassius Dio described her image at first hand, in the Antiquity. The first author mentioned that, since she was a woman, the government and the leadership did not suit her. Meanwhile, for the second author she was psychologically and physically represented as a masculinized woman, who had the voice, the size and the weapons of a man. However, the information and the writing of the ancient writers were used in the posterity for other artistic works, such as plays, sculptures, books, pictures, politician works and even cartoons, which involved the feminine figure of Boudica, although these works no longer placed the social conception relating those women to the figure of Boudica. Furthermore, this study demonstrates how the Nineteenth and the beginning of the Twentieth century used this image and how it was legitimized by means of a material culture, which is constituted of statues located at the cities of London, Cardiff and Colchester, as well as of a Stained Glass window, which is displayed in the Town Hall of the last city. Nevertheless, the validation of the warrior queen by the Governmental Power was given by the `tradition' concept, in vogue then, to national purposes. Thus, the British utilized the symbols, such as flags, anthems and even a personification of the nation to conceive their own homeland. Such reproductions were linked to government practices, had their own values and rules, were easily accepted by the people and had a connection with the past (Hobsbawm, 1993). Although Boudica has been remembered for almost five centuries and turned into a familiar figure to the English, it does not mean that historians and archaeologists know much about her. On the other hand, it was found, through interviews done in the museums of Norwich, Norwich Castle Museum & Art Gallery, of Colchester, Colchester Castle Museum, of London, Museum of London and of St. Albans, Verulamium Museum, that she is still alive in the collective memory of the British. Thus, it is concluded that the present study had as essence the uses of the past before Boudica, as well as her importance and meaning. And also that objects, patrimonies, statues, pictures and constructions are rooted in the culture and in the history of a group or a nation and are surrounded by feelings, memory, honor, nostalgia and Power