The Experts below are selected from a list of 12900 Experts worldwide ranked by ideXlab platform
Henry Waichung Yeung - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
-
regulating the firm and sociocultural practices in Industrial Geography ii
Progress in Human Geography, 2001Co-Authors: Henry Waichung YeungAbstract:In my first progress report (Yeung, 2000a) I concluded that a more pluralistic IndustrialGeography in recent years has gone beyond conventional economic issues by incorpo-rating some ‘new’ economic knowledges and by providing good glimpses of alternativeworlds of Industrial change. This incorporation relates to the introduction of social andcultural understandings of conventional economic issues to enable a better appreciationof ‘the economy’ as we know it. Some observers may argue, however, that this kind ofIndustrial Geography has diverted our attention away from the concerns of mainstreameconomics and regional science, and that this trend is in itself dangerous becauseIndustrial Geography has become less concerned with ‘Industrial’ issues. Reflectingcertain general theoretical developments in economics, the ‘firm’ has been a contestedanalytical category in Industrial Geography. Much neoclassical Industrial Geographytakes the firm as a self-contained and homogeneous ‘black box’ capable of producingeconomic outcomes in space. This conception of the firm is clearly evident in the‘Geography of enterprise’ approach that was preoccupied with the locational andbehavioural patterns of the firm in space. This approach viewed the firm as an unprob-lematic category. The emergence of a radical approach in the 1970s and 1980s led to amajor theoretical and empirical reorientation of research in Industrial Geography. Thisradical literature subsumed the firm under dominant capitalist class relations such thatcapital’s logic explains the spatial behaviour of the firm. Put in their historical contexts,these different perspectives on the firm have served the purposes of IndustrialGeography well by analysing the spatial organization of the firm.In this report, I aim to show that the idea of bringing the social and the cultural intoProgress in Human Geography25,2 (2001) pp. 293–302© Arnold 2001 0309–1325(01)PH326PR
-
organizing the firm in Industrial Geography i networks institutions and regional development
Progress in Human Geography, 2000Co-Authors: Henry Waichung YeungAbstract:I want to begin the first of my three annual progress reports on Industrial Geography by claiming that Industrial Geography, at least as I know it, has done very well within the geographical and, perhaps even, the wider social-scientific discourses. I am pleased the subdiscipline has lived up to the concluding remark by Taylor (1986: 412) in his progress report some 14 years ago that Industrial Geography was ‘alive and well and encouragingly contentious’. In this and two other reports, I aim to sustain my optimism with an indulgence in the most recent studies which have contributed towards a more pluralistic Industrial Geography. Although I have taken ‘the firm’ as a fundamental category to define the arbitrary boundary of Industrial Geography, I am more than happy to situate ‘the firm’ within the context of wider social relations, politicaleconomic processes and environmental change (see also Barnes, 1996a; Hayter, 1997; Lee and Wills, 1997; Schoenberger, 1997; Barnes and Gertler, 1999; Sheppard and Barnes, 1999; Clark et al., 2000).1 In my view, the firm in Industrial Geography goes beyond being an economic entity; it is also a sociospatial construction embedded in broader discourses and practices (Yeung, 1998a; see also Oinas, 1997; Taylor, 1999). This reconfiguration of our conceptions of the firm in Industrial Geography therefore helps us to make sense of the diverse and plural range of Industrial geographical studies in the past few years (see also Thrift and Olds, 1996; Schoenberger, 1998). My pluralistic view of the firm and Industrial Geography, however, poses a significant problem for writing my progress reports because there may be some overlap with the material and studies chosen for review by other recent progress reports on political economy (Barnes, 1995; 1996b; 1998) and geographies of money and finance (Leyshon, Progress in Human Geography 24,2 (2000) pp. 301–315
Hoang Anh Trinh Nguyen - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
-
Two scenarios for carbon capture and storage in Vietnam
Energy Policy, 2017Co-Authors: Minh Ha-duong, Hoang Anh Trinh NguyenAbstract:Vietnam plans to develop dozens of new coal-fired power generation units over the next 20 years. If they are indeed build, in order to avoid a dangerous level of global warming, it may appear necessary to dispose of these plants' CO2 by burying it in deep underground geological formations instead of releasing it into the atmosphere, using carbon capture and storage (CCS) technology. We show that CCS has a technical potential in Vietnam, according to the geology and the Industrial Geography. To discuss under which economics conditions this potential could actualize, we examine two scenarios for 2050. In the first scenario, CO2 is used in Enhanced Oil Recovery (EOR) only. EOR technology makes CCS cheaper by injecting CO2 in partially depleted oil field, aiming to recover more oil. The second scenario considers CCS deployment in coal-based power plants, on top of using it for EOR. In both scenarios, a few gas-fired CCS power plants are build, reaching 1 GW in 2030, supported by Enhanced Oil Recovery and international carbon finance. The decision point where the two scenarios diverge is in 2030. A scenario to switch all currently existing or planned power plants to low-carbon by 2050 is to retrofit 3.2 GW of coal-fired capacity and install 1.2 GW of gas-fired capacity with CCS every year, starting in 2035 for 15 years. Capture readiness would lower the costs of using CCS in Vietnam, but is not mandatory today.
Jordi Pons - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
-
Economic integration and Industrial location: the case of Spain before World War I
Journal of Economic Geography, 2002Co-Authors: Daniel A. Tirado, Elisenda Paluzie, Jordi PonsAbstract:The purpose of this paper is to analyse the determinants of the localisation of Industrial activity in Spain during the second half of thenineteenth century and the effects of economic integration in Spain's Industrial Geography. First, we review the historical analysis of these changes. Second, we summarise the theories that explain Industrial location patterns. Third, we construct different measures of Industrial specialisation and geographical concentration. Finally, we perform an econometric analysis of the determinants of Industrial location at two points in time, 1856 and 1893, using the techniques of spatial econometrics.
Minh Ha-duong - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
-
Two scenarios for carbon capture and storage in Vietnam
Energy Policy, 2017Co-Authors: Minh Ha-duong, Hoang Anh Trinh NguyenAbstract:Vietnam plans to develop dozens of new coal-fired power generation units over the next 20 years. If they are indeed build, in order to avoid a dangerous level of global warming, it may appear necessary to dispose of these plants' CO2 by burying it in deep underground geological formations instead of releasing it into the atmosphere, using carbon capture and storage (CCS) technology. We show that CCS has a technical potential in Vietnam, according to the geology and the Industrial Geography. To discuss under which economics conditions this potential could actualize, we examine two scenarios for 2050. In the first scenario, CO2 is used in Enhanced Oil Recovery (EOR) only. EOR technology makes CCS cheaper by injecting CO2 in partially depleted oil field, aiming to recover more oil. The second scenario considers CCS deployment in coal-based power plants, on top of using it for EOR. In both scenarios, a few gas-fired CCS power plants are build, reaching 1 GW in 2030, supported by Enhanced Oil Recovery and international carbon finance. The decision point where the two scenarios diverge is in 2030. A scenario to switch all currently existing or planned power plants to low-carbon by 2050 is to retrofit 3.2 GW of coal-fired capacity and install 1.2 GW of gas-fired capacity with CCS every year, starting in 2035 for 15 years. Capture readiness would lower the costs of using CCS in Vietnam, but is not mandatory today.
-
Two scenarios for carbon capture and storage in Vietnam
2017Co-Authors: Minh Ha-duong, Hoang Anh Nguyen TrinhAbstract:Vietnam plans to develop dozens of new coal-fired power generation units over the next 20 years. If they are indeed build, in order to avoid a dangerous level of global warming, it may appear necessary to dispose of these plants' CO2 by burying it in deep underground geological formations instead of releasing it into the atmosphere, using Carbon Capture and Storage (CCS) technology. We show that CCS has a technical potential in Vietnam, according to the geology and the Industrial Geography. To discuss under which economics conditions this potential could actualize, we examine two scenarios for 2050. In the first scenario, CO2 is used in Enhanced Oil Recovery (EOR) only. EOR technology makes CCS cheaper by injecting CO2 in partially depleted oil field, aiming to recover more oil. The second scenario considers CCS deployment in coal-based power plants, on top of using it for EOR. This happens after 2035, since according to a survey of 15 national experts, CCS would not be a priority for the next 20 years in Vietnam. That scenario assumes international financial supports to initiate demonstration projects after 2025, that Vietnam develops an affluent economy, that China paves the technology way, and that capture-ready is given some attention in the near term.
Julie Graham - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
-
rethinking class in Industrial Geography creating a space for an alternative politics of class
Economic Geography, 1992Co-Authors: Katherine Gibson, Julie GrahamAbstract:Within Marxism, class is commonly understood as a social grouping that is constituted by consciousness or solidary practices upon the foundation of (capitalist) relations of production. In our view, this structural conception of class has contributed to images of the decline of class politics that are frequently found in the geographic literature on Industrial restructuring. We argue that an alternative understanding of class as a social process of exploitation renders visible a wide variety of capitalist and noncapitalist class processes in Industrialized social formations. This conception allows us to see individuals as participating in multiple class processes at a single moment and over time. Understanding both the individual and society as having a decentered, complex, and changing relationship to class also enables us to see a previously invisible politics of class transformation. We examine some recent narratives of Industrial change, interpreting them as stories of class struggle and class politics in unexpected social locations. In the process, we introduce a new connection between women and class.