The Experts below are selected from a list of 6051 Experts worldwide ranked by ideXlab platform
Asef Bayat - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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post Islamism the changing faces of political islam
2013Co-Authors: Asef BayatAbstract:Preface Contributors Part One: Introduction Chapter One: Post-Islamism at Large - Asef Bayat Part Two: Critique From Within Chapter Two: The Making of Post-Islamist Iran - Asef Bayat Chapter Three: The AKP and Turkey's Post-Islamist Turn - Ihsan Dagi Chapter Four: Islam and the Retrenchment of the Secular Turkish State - Cihan Tugal Chapter Five: Moroccan Post-Islamism: Emerging Trend or Chimera? - Sami Zemni Chapter Six: Post-Islamist Politics in Indonesia - Noorhaidi Hasan Part Three: Change in Ambivalence Chapter Seven: Egypt's Islamism and its Post-Islamist Revolution - Asef Bayat Chapter Eight: Hizbullah's Infitah: A Post-Islamist Turn? - Joseph Alagha Part Four: Critique From Without Chapter Nine: Post-Islamist Strands in Pakistan: Islamist Spin-Offs and Their Contradictory Trajectories - Humeira Iqtidar Chapter Ten: Saudi Arabia and the Limits of Post-Islamism - Stephane Lacroix Part Five: Post-Islamism Always Chapter Eleven: Islamism in Sudan: Before, After, in Between - Abdelwahab El-Affendi Chapter Twelve: Syria's Un-usual "Islamic Trend": Political Reformists, the Ulama, and Democracy - Thomas Pierret Index
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making islam democratic social movements and the post islamist turn
2007Co-Authors: Asef BayatAbstract:CONTENTS Abbreviations xxx Chronology xxx Preface xxx 1 Islam and Democracy: Perverse Charm of an Irrelevant Question 1 2 Revolution without Movement, Movement without Revolution: Islamist Activism in Iran and Egypt (1960s-1980s) 000 3 The Making of a Post-Islamist Movement: Social Movements and Socio-Political Change in Iran, 1980-1997 000 4 Post-Islamism in Power: Dilemmas of Reform Project, 1997-2004 000 5 Egypt's 'Passive Revolution': The State and the Fragmentation of Islamism (1992-2005) 000 6 The Politics of Presence: Imagining a Post-Islamist Democracy 000 Reference Matter 000 Persian and Arabic Journals Cited 000 Notes 000 Bibliography 000 Index 000
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Islamism and Social Movement Theory
Third World Quarterly, 2005Co-Authors: Asef BayatAbstract:There is a new, but still limited, realisation that the perspectives developed by the ‘social movement theory’ can be useful to illuminate aspects of Islamist movements. This is a welcome development. Yet it is also pertinent to point to some limitations of the prevailing social movement theories (those grounded in the technologically advanced and politically open societies) to account for the complexities of sociopolitical activism in contemporary Muslim societies, which are often characterised by political control and limited means for communicative action. The article argues for a more fluid and fragmented understanding of social movements, which may better explain the differentiated and changing disposition of such movements as Islamism. In this context, I propose the concept of ‘imagined solidarities’, which might help illustrate modes of solidarity building in such closed political settings as the contemporary Muslim Middle East.
Munteanu Anca - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Les militantes du Parti de la justice et du développement au Maroc et d’Ennahdha en Tunisie : formes d’engagement et d’organisation
'OpenEdition', 2023Co-Authors: Munteanu AncaAbstract:L’intégration d’Ennahdha (Tunisie) et du Parti de la justice et du développement (Maroc) dans le jeu politique institué a conduit à la féminisation de ces partis islamistes et a eu des effets sur le parcours des femmes militantes dans leurs rangs. L’article montre que les femmes ont participé à la construction des mouvements islamistes à travers un travail social et de sensibilisation idéologique. En effet, leurs compétences associatives ont permis la constitution d’un électorat féminin. Ces formes d’engagement contredisent l’idée que les femmes islamistes seraient nécessairement réduites à jouer des rôles secondaires en politique. Toutefois, l’article prend en considération le fait que les femmes sont sous-représentées dans les instances décisionnelles des partis et dans les postes à responsabilité. De plus, il montre qu’elles adhèrent aux positions officielles de leur parti quant aux droits des femmes. Sans vouloir postuler que l’Islamisme serait un moteur d’émancipation ou, au contraire, de domination des femmes, cet article montre que l’adhésion des femmes aux mouvements islamistes les a amenées à s’organiser et participer activement à la vie de leur parti. Dans ce contexte, à travers un engagement social et politique, les femmes sont devenues des actrices importantes dans les partis islamistes.The integration of Ennahdha (Tunisia) and of the Justice and Development Party (Morocco) into the established political game has led to the feminization of these Islamist parties and impacted the career of women activists in their ranks. The article shows that women participated in the construction of Islamist movements through social work and by raising ideological awareness. Indeed, their associative skills enabled the constitution of a female electorate. These forms of engagement contradict the idea that Islamist women would necessarily be reduced to playing secondary roles in politics. However, the article takes into account that women are underrepresented in these parties’ decision-making bodies and in leadership positions. In addition, it shows that they comply with their parties’ official discourses on issues related to women’s rights. This article is not assuming that Islamism would be an engine of emancipation or, on the contrary, of domination of women. It shows that women’s access to Islamist movements led them to organize themselves and to participate actively in activities for the benefit of their parties. In this context, through social and political commitment, women have become important actors in Islamist parties.إندماج حركة النهضة في تونس وحزب العدالة والتنمية في المغرب في اللعبة السياسية المُؤسّسة أدى إلى تأنيث الأحزاب الإسلامية وأثر على مسار النساء الناشطات داخل صفوفهن. والمقال البحثي يثبت أن النساء اشتركن في بناء الحركات الإسلامية عبر عمل مجتمعي وتوعية أيدولوجية، وبالفعل فإن مهارتهن الجمعوية سمحت بتكوين قاعدة انتخابيةنسائية. هذه الأشكال للمشاركة تتنافى مع فكرة أن النساء الإسلاميات حدت مشاركاتهن في مجال السياسة في الأدوار الثانوية. رغم ذلك فإن المقال يأخذ في الحسبان التمثيل المتدني للمرأة في جهات إتخاذ القرار داخل الأحزاب وفي مواقع المسؤولية، بالاضافة إلى أنه يثبت أنهن يتبنين المواقف الرسمية لأحزابهن فيما يتعلق بحقوق المرأة، دون أن ننتوي طرح فكرة أن الإسلاموية محرك لتحرر المرأة أو على العكس الهيمنة على المرأة، هذا المقال يثبت أن إنضمام السيدات للحركات الإسلاموية دفعهن إلى تنظيم أنفسهن والمشاركة النشطة في حياة أحزابهن، في هذا السياق عبر المشاركة الإجتماعية والسياسية أصبحت النساء فاعلات مهمات في أحزابهن الإسلامي
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Les militantes du Parti justice et développement au Maroc et d'Ennahdha en Tunisie : formes d'engagement et d'organisation (2020)
'OpenEdition', 2020Co-Authors: Munteanu AncaAbstract:International audienceإندماج حركة النهضة في تونس وحزب العدالة والتنمية في المغرب في اللعبة السياسية المُؤسّسة أدى إلى تأنيث الأحزاب الإسلامية وأثر على مسار النساء الناشطات داخل صفوفهن. والمقال البحثي يثبت أن النساء اشتركن في بناء الحركات الإسلامية عبر عمل مجتمعي وتوعية أيدولوجية، وبالفعل فإن مهارتهن الجمعوية سمحت بتكوين قاعدة انتخابيةنسائية. هذه الأشكال للمشاركة تتنافى مع فكرة أن النساء الإسلاميات حدت مشاركاتهن في مجال السياسة في الأدوار الثانوية. رغم ذلك فإن المقال يأخذ في الحسبان التمثيل المتدني للمرأة في جهات إتخاذ القرار داخل الأحزاب وفي مواقع المسؤولية، بالاضافة إلى أنه يثبت أنهن يتبنين المواقف الرسمية لأحزابهن فيما يتعلق بحقوق المرأة، دون أن ننتوي طرح فكرة أن الإسلاموية محرك لتحرر المرأة أو على العكس الهيمنة على المرأة، هذا المقال يثبت أن إنضمام السيدات للحركات الإسلاموية دفعهن إلى تنظيم أنفسهن والمشاركة النشطة في حياة أحزابهن، في هذا السياق عبر المشاركة الإجتماعية والسياسية أصبحت النساء فاعلات مهمات في أحزابهن الإسلاميةThe integration of Ennahdha (Tunisia) and of the Justice and Development Party (Morocco) into the established political game has led to the feminization of these Islamist parties and impacted the career of women activists in their ranks. The article shows that women participated in the construction of Islamist movements through social work and by raising ideological awareness. Indeed, their associative skills enabled the constitution of a female electorate. These forms of engagement contradict the idea that Islamist women would necessarily be reduced to playing secondary roles in politics. However, the article takes into account that women are underrepresented in these parties’ decision-making bodies and in leadership positions. In addition, it shows that they comply with their parties’ official discourses on issues related to women’s rights. This article is not assuming that Islamism would be an engine of emancipation or, on the contrary, of domination of women. It shows that women’s access to Islamist movements led them to organize themselves and to participate actively in activities for the benefit of their parties. In this context, through social and political commitment, women have become important actors in Islamist parties.L'intégration d'Ennahdha (Tunisie) et du Parti justice et développement (Maroc) dans le jeu politique institué a conduit à la féminisation de ces partis islamistes et impacté le parcours des femmes militantes dans leurs rangs. L'article montre que les femmes ont participé à la construction des mouvements islamistes à travers un travail social et de sensibilisation idéologique. En effet, leurs compétences associatives ont permis la constitution d'un électorat féminin. Ces formes d'engagement contredisent l'idée que les femmes islamistes seraient nécessairement réduites à jouer des rôles secondaires en politique. Toutefois, l'article prend en considération que les femmes sont sous-représentées dans les instances décisionnelles des partis et dans les postes de responsabilité. De plus, il montre qu'elles adhèrent aux positions officielles de leur parti quant aux droits des femmes. Sans vouloir postuler que l'Islamisme serait un moteur d'émancipation ou, au contraire, de domination des femmes, cet article montre que l'adhésion des femmes aux mouvements islamistes les a amenées à s'organiser et participer activement au profit de leur parti. Dans ce contexte, à travers un engagement social et politique, les femmes sont devenues des actrices importantes dans les partis islamistes
Markus Holdo - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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post Islamism and fields of contention after the arab spring feminism salafism and the revolutionary youth
Third World Quarterly, 2017Co-Authors: Markus HoldoAbstract:AbstractIn the aftermath of the Arab Spring, conflicts in Egypt and Tunisia over the authority to rule and the role of religion in society raised questions about these societies’ capacity for reconciling differences. In retrospect, the conflicts also raise questions about the theoretical tools used to analyse regional developments. In particular, the ‘post-Islamism’ thesis has significantly changed the debates on ‘Islam and democracy’ by bringing to light the changing opportunity structures, and changed goals, of Islamist movements. However, this paper argues that the theory underestimates differences within post-Islamist societies. Drawing on field theory, the paper shows how the actual content of post-Islamism is contingent on political struggle. It focuses on three fields whose political roles have been underestimated or misrepresented by post-Islamist theorists: Islamic feminism, Salafist-jihadism and the revolutionary youth. Their respective forms of capital – sources of legitimacy and social recogni...
Andrey Korotayev - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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the middle east in the world system context in comparison with india and china some backgrounds of Islamism in the mena region
2019Co-Authors: Leonid Grinin, Andrey KorotayevAbstract:This chapter is devoted to a systemic consideration of the preconditions for the emergence of modern Islamism in the Middle East. Since Islamism is spread almost in every country of the Middle East, it seems reasonable to formulate some ideas explaining its widespread influence in this part of the world through a comparative analysis of some developmental trends in this macroregion and in China and India. Such an analysis seems of vital importance since radical Islamism appears a powerful destabilizing force at the global and regional levels. We attend to the need to delineate between radical and moderate Islamisms, since in many Muslim societies the latter appears to be more a stabilizing force and not a destabilizing one. We maintain that the success of Islamism is strongly determined by the traditionally fragile statehood in the Middle East. At the same time, in certain respects, for example, in terms of language, ethnicity, and religion, the Middle East seems to be much more homogenous than, say, India which is one of the most multilingual states of the world. This homogeneity became the most important basis for internationalization of Islamism in the MENA region, which could then easily cross the state boundaries making them transparent.
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Islamism and its role in modern islamic societies
2019Co-Authors: Leonid Grinin, Andrey KorotayevAbstract:A multifaceted, multidimensional, changing, and inconsistent Islamism is a subject under study in this chapter. It is impossible to comprehend modern Muslim societies without an account of the impact of Islam on all sides of life. It would be a mistake to present Islamism as a node on the body of Muslim societies. In fact, Islamism in many respects reflects the essence of modern Muslim societies, of their mode of thought and life. It helps to maintain social, economic, political sphere at different societal levels as well as create a peculiar Islamic pattern of modernization. That is why Islamism cannot be eliminated at the present stage; it can be only overgrown. And this will take a long time. One should understand clearly that it is impossible to reduce the dangers of radical and terrorist Islamism only by force. It will decrease only after it is separated from moderate Islamism having made the latter a more respectable, open, and involved in normal political life movement. We analyze in this chapter a number of issues. Among them are general characteristics and functions of Islamism; confrontation of Islamism with secular regimes; evolution of Islamism; modern trends and the future of Islamism, etc.
Salwa Ismail - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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being muslim islam Islamism and identity politics
Government and Opposition, 2004Co-Authors: Salwa IsmailAbstract:The paper explores the construction of both Muslim and Islamist identities and the ways in which they interact, converge and diverge. This exploration is set against the background of debates on the nature of Islamism and its positioning vis-a-vis modernity and post-modernity. The paper argues that processes of modernity and post-modernity may be at work in the production of Muslim identities, but highlights the need to examine how different dimensions of identity formation such as socio-economic position, gender, age and lifestyle enter into the formation of Muslim selves. This is made necessary if we accept the premise of the sociality and historicity of religion.
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rethinking islamist politics culture the state and Islamism
2003Co-Authors: Salwa IsmailAbstract:In an atmosphere of growing concern over the threat posed by Islamist violence, political Islamism has become the most important of geopolitical issues. In the process, it has been misrepresented. Contrary to what many believe, Islamist movements are characterised by their diversity. Revisiting the main arguments and explanations that have been used over the past twenty years to understand Islamist activism, moderate as well as militant, Salwa Ismail here proposes a rethinking of Islamist politics. The phenomenon of political Islam is determined by macro and micro-level changes in the Muslim world, such as the retreat of the welfare state across the Middle East, and the subsequent expansion in the role of informal political activists in the popular neighbourhoods of such cities as Algiers or Cairo. Ismail examines both levels to explain the socio-economic and political settings out of which Islamism has developed. Her focus is both the economic and political environments that fomented Islamism, and the structures of Islamist movements themselves (from their ideologies to their modes of action). Looking at Islamism as a form of contestation politics, Ismail offers a reassessment of its failures and successes - limited, as it is, by its use of violence, but capable of real mobilisation at a popular level. "Rethinking Islamist Politics" will be vital reading for anyone seeking to understand such spectacular expressions of Islamism as the September 11th attacks, but also the everyday struggles of ordinary people which Islamism embodies.
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the popular movement dimensions of contemporary militant Islamism socio spatial determinants in the cairo urban setting
Comparative Studies in Society and History, 2000Co-Authors: Salwa IsmailAbstract:This paper is a revisiting of the question of contemporary Islamism in Egypt. Its purpose is to rethink the main arguments and explanatory frameworks relating to Islamist activism in general and the militant and violent type in particular. It presents some new propositions about the phenomenon and provides elements for a deeper understanding. This revisiting is undertaken in light of certain developments over the last decade or so, which may be summarised as follows: 1) the heightening of Islamist violence, marked by confrontations with the government in and around Cairo and in the provinces of Upper EgyptThe 1990s have seen an intensification of violent clashes between the Islamists and the government, claiming over one thousand lives. The Islamist attacks have been aimed particularly at the tourism sector and the police. More than a hundred police officers and soldiers have been killed. For more details, see the annual reports of al-Taqrir al-Istratiji al-Arabi (The Arab Strategic Report). See also Nabil Abd al-Fatah and Diya' Rashwan, Taqrir al-Hala al-Diniya fi Misr 1995 (Report on the State of Religion in Egypt 1995) (Cairo: Centre for Political and Strategic Studies, 1997).; 2) the emergence of clear socio-spatial dimensions to Islamist activism. For the purposes of this article, my analysis pertains to these developments in the greater Cairo area.The rise of al-Jama‘a al-Islamiya in the Upper Egypt governorates of Qena, Asyut, Suhaj, Minya and Aswan must be examined in relation to the social fabric and spatial organisation of their cities and towns. The complexity of social organisation based on tribe and family and the hierarchies characterising social, economic, and political positions in the various provinces have yet to be studied in a comprehensive manner, and are beyond the scope of this paper. See Nazih Ayubi, Political Islam (London: Routledge, 1991), and Mamun Fandy, “Egypt's Islamic Group: Regional Revenge,” Middle East Journal 48, 4 (1994): 607–25.
