The Experts below are selected from a list of 360 Experts worldwide ranked by ideXlab platform
Brian Christopher Jones - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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transatlantic perspectives on humanised public law campaigns personalising and depersonalising the Legislative Process
Legisprudence, 2012Co-Authors: Brian Christopher JonesAbstract:AbstractThis exploratory article uses interviews from lawmakers, government officials, bill drafters and parliamentary journalists from Westminster, the Scottish Parliament and the United States Congress to determine humanised law campaigns potential impact on the Legislative Process. It hypothesised that emotional law is prevented through the depersonalisation of such statutory or regulatory instruments, and that more United Kingdom and Scottish interviewees would embrace this perspective than United States interviewees. Humanised campaigns and personalised statutory law in the United States Congress appears to be on the rise. In Britain such campaigns are a rarity, yet over the past few years the Sarah's Law campaign in England and the Mark's law campaign in Scotland have each contributed to sexual offender disclosure schemes being introduced in the respective jurisdictions, the latter of which bypassed the legislature completely. When asked about such matters a clear transatlantic discrepancy appeared....
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transatlantic perspectives on humanised public law campaigns personalising and depersonalising the Legislative Process
Social Science Research Network, 2012Co-Authors: Brian Christopher JonesAbstract:This exploratory article uses interviews from lawmakers, government officials, bill drafters and parliamentary journalists from Westminster, the Scottish Parliament and the United States Congress to determine humanised law campaigns potential impact on the Legislative Process. It hypothesised that emotional law is prevented through the depersonalisation of such statutory or regulatory instruments, and that more United Kingdom and Scottish interviewees would embrace this perspective than United States interviewees. Humanised campaigns and personalised statutory law in the United States Congress appears to be on the rise. In Britain such campaigns are a rarity, yet over the past few years the Sarah's Law campaign in England and the Mark's law campaign in Scotland have each contributed to sexual offender disclosure schemes being introduced in the respective jurisdictions, the latter of which bypassed the legislature completely. When asked about such matters a clear transatlantic discrepancy appeared. American insiders on the Legislative side surmised that personalising statutory law made it easier for proposals to pass through Congress and that such personalisation tactics were warranted, though there were dissenters. Westminster and Scottish interviewees focused on three main issues: protecting the law from being overly emotional; protecting general parliamentary Process issues that could be influenced by humanised public bills; and not letting a sympathetic individual grace a bill's short title. Yet some Westminster interviewees believed the latter issue could eventually come to fruition in their lawmaking institution, thus threatening the previous two concerns.
Gabriele Gamberini - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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let young people join the Legislative Process a twitter based experiment on internships
Computers in Human Behavior, 2016Co-Authors: Paolo Nicola Barbieri, Francesca Fazio, Gabriele GamberiniAbstract:This paper examines the possible effects of labour market institutional characteristics on young people's perceptions of their internship experiences as expressed on Twitter. By looking at these opinions (satisfaction versus dissatisfaction) in relation to certain features of internships as well as to the more general labour market regulatory framework, this project aims to give a voice to young people, enabling them (indirectly) to provide policy suggestions to law-makers. Furthermore, we propose a preview of a possible empirical model for data collection based on the manual coding of Tweets. By employing a Probit regression and Blinder-Oaxaca and Fairlie decompositions, we have tried to establish a link between the perceived evaluation of internships and the country where the internship is based, the latter being used as a proxy for the legal system. In all our tests we found that the country in which the internship is placed is the main factor in the positive or negative perception. We also find that the more difficult is to hire a young worker on a temporary basis the lower will be his valuation of the internship experience. Ultimately we propose the use of Twitter not only as a relevant research tool, but also as an instrument for bringing young people's needs to the attention of law-makers. We relate labour market characteristics to youth's internship perception.Country where the internship is placed is the main factor of explanation.The more difficult is to hire a young worker the lower will be his perception.
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let young people join the Legislative Process a twitter based experiment on internships
Social Science Research Network, 2014Co-Authors: Paolo Nicola Barbieri, Francesca Fazio, Gabriele GamberiniAbstract:The aim of this research is to examine the possible effects of labour market institutional characteristics on young people's perceptions of their internship experiences as expressed on Twitter. By looking at these opinions (satisfaction versus dissatisfaction) in relation to certain features of internships as well as to the more general labour market regulatory framework, this project aims to give a voice to young people, enabling them (indirectly) to provide policy suggestions to law-makers. Furthermore, we propose a preview of a possible empirical model for data collection based on the manual coding of Tweets. By employing a Probit regression and Blinder-Oaxaca and Fairlie decompositions, we have tried to establish a link between the perceived evaluation of internships and the country where the internship is based, the latter being used as a proxy for the legal system. In all our tests we found that the country in which the internship is placed is the main factor in the positive or negative perception. Ultimately we shall propose the use of Twitter not only as a relevant research tool, but also as an instrument for bringing young people's needs to the attention of law-makers.
Zoe Robinson - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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lobbying in the shadows religious interest groups in the Legislative Process
Social Science Research Network, 2015Co-Authors: Zoe RobinsonAbstract:The advent of the new religious institutionalism has brought the relationship between religion and the state to the fore once again. Yet, for all the talk of the appropriateness of religion-state interactions, scholars have yet to examine how it functions. This Article analyzes the critical, yet usually invisible, role of “religious interest groups” — lobby groups representing religious institutions or individuals — in shaping federal legislation. In recent years, religious interest groups have come to dominate political discourse. Groups such as Priests for Life, Friends Committee on National Legislation, Women’s Christian Temperance Union, and American Jewish Congress have entered the political fray to lobby for Legislative change that is reflective of specific religious values. These religious interest groups collectively spend over $350 million every year attempting to entrench religious values into the law. These groups have become the primary mechanism for religious involvement in federal politics, but, surprisingly, the place and role of these groups has yet to be examined by legal scholars.The Article shows that the key features of religious interest groups reflect significant tensions within the emerging project of religious institutionalism. In developing this claim, the Article identifies two benefits claimed to result from religious involvement in politics — protecting religious liberty and enhancing democratic participation — and demonstrates that in fact these benefits are unlikely to result from religious interest group politicking. Instead, the pursuit of religiously bound interests as a Legislative end results in the religious interest being pursued as an end in and of itself, consequently imposing significant costs on the values of religious liberty and democracy. Ultimately, the Article claims that when considering the place of religion in the political Process, it is incumbent on scholars to consider both the institutional design question of how religious participation in politics is operationalized, as well as take into account both the costs and benefits of that involvement.
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lobbying in the shadows religious interest groups in the Legislative Process
Emory law journal, 2015Co-Authors: Zoe RobinsonAbstract:ABSTRACTThe advent of the new religious institutionalism has brought the relationship between religion and the state to the fore once again. Yet, for all the talk of the appropriateness of religion-state interactions, scholars have yet to examine how it functions. This Article analyzes the critical, yet usually invisible, role of "religious interest groups"-lobby groups representing religious institutions or individuals-in shaping federal legislation. In recent years, religious interest groups have come to dominate political discourse. Groups such as Priests for Life, Friends Committee on National Legislation, Women's Christian Temperance Union, and American Jewish Congress have entered the political fray to lobby for Legislative change that is reflective of specific religious values. These religious interest groups collectively spend over $350 million every year attempting to entrench religious values into the law. These groups have become the primary mechanism for religious involvement in federal politics, but, surprisingly, the place and role of these groups has yet to be examined by legal scholars.This Article shows that the key features of religious interest groups reflect significant tensions within the emerging project of religious institutionalism. In developing this claim, this Article identifies two benefits claimed to result from religious involvement in politics-protecting religious liberty and enhancing democratic participation-and demonstrates that in fact these benefits are unlikely to result from religious interest group politicking. Instead, the pursuit of religiously bound interests as a Legislative end results in the religious interest being pursued as an end in and of itself, consequently imposing significant costs on the values of religious liberty and democracy. Ultimately, this Article claims that when considering the place of religion in the political Process, it is incumbent on scholars to consider both the institutional design question of how religious participation in politics is operationalized, as well as take into account both the costs and benefits of that involvement.INTRODUCTIONIt has become par for the course among both politicians and commentators that religion does, and should, have a place in the federal Legislative Process. Legislators, executive officials, and other public figures publically proclaim the need-and their desire-to "work with religious groups" to enact legislation that responds to the needs of religious adherents in the community.1 Within the scholarly community, research on religious groups-that is, the study of the place and benefits of religious groups in political life- overwhelmingly advocates for inclusion of religious viewpoints.2 Indeed, the idea that religious groups should have a role in the political Process has intuitive value. By including religious groups in politics and in the shaping of federal legislation on the front end,3 we might be reassured that the religious liberty of Americans is being taken into consideration.4 Recent Supreme Court decisions in both Hosanna-Tabor Evangelical Lutheran Church & School v. EEOC5 and Burwell v. Hobby Lobby Stores, Inc.,6 reflect a judicial consensus of the appropriateness and value of religious involvement in public life.7Yet, within the legal community debates about religion-state interactions rarely consider how this relationship functions. Despite increasing interest in the role of religious institutions in politics and society more broadly,8 there is scant study of the structure and operation of religious interest groups.9 This Article begins to fill this gap. It outlines how religious involvement in the political Process has been operationalized through the overlooked institutions of "religious interest groups"-associations of either denominational houses of worship or collectives of individuals organized to advance a distinct religious viewpoint.10 This Article then examines the implications of religious interest groups for the principal justifications of religious participation in the political Process: religious liberty and democratic participation. …
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rationalizing religious exemptions a Legislative Process theory of statutory exemptions for religion
William and Mary Bill of Rights Journal, 2011Co-Authors: Zoe RobinsonAbstract:This Article proposes a new theory of religious liberty in the United States: it hypothesizes that a person's religious freedom is dependent on their political power. Following the Supreme Court's 1990 decision of Employment Division v. Smith, the legislattire has sole control over the enactment of accommodations and exemptions from laws of general application for religious adherents. This Article argues that post-Smith accounts of religious liberty and pluralism fail to systematically analyze the relationship between religious liberty and Legislative exemptions. To this end, the Article proposes a unique public choice model that hypothesizes that Legislative accommodations and exemptions may result from a complex Process in which legislators weigh the gains derived from the prospective exemption or accommodation—in terms ofconstittaent voting support—against the costs bome. By modeling Legislative accommodations as the result of benefit-maximizing behavior, this Article proposes a significant paradigm shift that posttilates a new, and unasked, question: whether the legislature is overly responsive to majoritarian interests at the expense of minority religious liberty.
Howard Rosenthal - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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bankruptcy reform in congress creditors committees ideology and floor voting in the Legislative Process
Journal of Law Economics & Organization, 2004Co-Authors: Stephen Nunez, Howard RosenthalAbstract:Both ideology and interest group interventions are important in voting on bankruptcy legislation. Roughly 15 votes in the U.S. House of Representatives appear to have been changed directly through interest group pressures proxied by campaign contributions. Many more could have been changed if resources could be fully devoted to spot purchases, but most contributions appear to have been aimed at maintaining legislation on the agenda. In the U.S. Senate, state interests in homestead exemptions influenced voting. Although committee markups demonstrate an ideological lineup that is not distinct from floor voting, committees promote bargaining on destabilizing issues. Copyright 2004, Oxford University Press.
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bankruptcy reform in congress creditors committees ideology and floor voting in the Legislative Process
Social Science Research Network, 2004Co-Authors: Stephen Nunez, Howard RosenthalAbstract:Both ideology and interest group interventions are important in voting on bankruptcy legislation. Roughly 15 votes in the U.S. House of Representatives appear to have been changed directly through interest group pressures proxied by campaign contributions. Many more could have been changed if resources could be fully devoted to spot purchases, but most contributions appear to have been aimed at maintaining legislation on the agenda. In the U.S. Senate, state interests in homestead exemptions influenced voting. Although committee markups demonstrate an ideological lineup that is not distinct from floor voting, committees promote bargaining on destabilizing issues.
Paolo Nicola Barbieri - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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let young people join the Legislative Process a twitter based experiment on internships
Computers in Human Behavior, 2016Co-Authors: Paolo Nicola Barbieri, Francesca Fazio, Gabriele GamberiniAbstract:This paper examines the possible effects of labour market institutional characteristics on young people's perceptions of their internship experiences as expressed on Twitter. By looking at these opinions (satisfaction versus dissatisfaction) in relation to certain features of internships as well as to the more general labour market regulatory framework, this project aims to give a voice to young people, enabling them (indirectly) to provide policy suggestions to law-makers. Furthermore, we propose a preview of a possible empirical model for data collection based on the manual coding of Tweets. By employing a Probit regression and Blinder-Oaxaca and Fairlie decompositions, we have tried to establish a link between the perceived evaluation of internships and the country where the internship is based, the latter being used as a proxy for the legal system. In all our tests we found that the country in which the internship is placed is the main factor in the positive or negative perception. We also find that the more difficult is to hire a young worker on a temporary basis the lower will be his valuation of the internship experience. Ultimately we propose the use of Twitter not only as a relevant research tool, but also as an instrument for bringing young people's needs to the attention of law-makers. We relate labour market characteristics to youth's internship perception.Country where the internship is placed is the main factor of explanation.The more difficult is to hire a young worker the lower will be his perception.
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let young people join the Legislative Process a twitter based experiment on internships
Social Science Research Network, 2014Co-Authors: Paolo Nicola Barbieri, Francesca Fazio, Gabriele GamberiniAbstract:The aim of this research is to examine the possible effects of labour market institutional characteristics on young people's perceptions of their internship experiences as expressed on Twitter. By looking at these opinions (satisfaction versus dissatisfaction) in relation to certain features of internships as well as to the more general labour market regulatory framework, this project aims to give a voice to young people, enabling them (indirectly) to provide policy suggestions to law-makers. Furthermore, we propose a preview of a possible empirical model for data collection based on the manual coding of Tweets. By employing a Probit regression and Blinder-Oaxaca and Fairlie decompositions, we have tried to establish a link between the perceived evaluation of internships and the country where the internship is based, the latter being used as a proxy for the legal system. In all our tests we found that the country in which the internship is placed is the main factor in the positive or negative perception. Ultimately we shall propose the use of Twitter not only as a relevant research tool, but also as an instrument for bringing young people's needs to the attention of law-makers.
