The Experts below are selected from a list of 8124 Experts worldwide ranked by ideXlab platform
James Cockayne - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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the global reorganization of Legitimate Violence military entrepreneursand the private face of international humanitarian law
Social Science Research Network, 2007Co-Authors: James CockayneAbstract:Although long hidden from the public gaze of international humanitarian law, military entrepreneurialism has played a key role in the global organization of Legitimate Violence. By examining historical changes in the role and legal treatment of military entrepreneurs, the author sheds light on the contemporary ''resurfacing'' of privately organized Violence in the form of private military companies, and its broader implications for international humanitarian law.
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the global reorganization of Legitimate Violence military entrepreneurs and the private face of international humanitarian law
International Review of the Red Cross, 2006Co-Authors: James CockayneAbstract:Although long hidden from the public gaze of international humanitarian law, military entrepreneurialism has played a key role in the global organization of Legitimate Violence. By examining historical changes in the role and legal treatment of military entrepreneurs, the author sheds light on the contemporary ''resurfacing'' of privately organized Violence in the form of private military companies, and its broader implications for international humanitarian law.
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the global reorganization of Legitimate Violence military entrepreneurs and the private face of international humanitarian law
International Review of the Red Cross, 2006Co-Authors: James CockayneAbstract:By examining historical changes in the role and legal treatment of military entrepreneurs, the author sheds light on the contemporary ‘‘resurfacing’’ of privately organized Violence in the form of private military companies, and its broader implications for international humanitarian law.
Frederic Megret - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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who s in and who s out on the international juridical protection of the monopoly of Legitimate Violence and a few other attributes of cold monsters who s in and who s out a propos de la protection juridique internationale du monopole de l exercice legitime de la force et de quelques autres attributs des monstres froids
Social Science Research Network, 2011Co-Authors: Frederic MegretAbstract:This paper (in French) was first presented at a series of conferences at the Universite du Quebec a Montreal (UQAM) on the topic 'What is international law for?' ('A quoi sert le droit international?). Its main argument is that we should not take international law too much at its word when it foregrounds certain goals (peace, justice, development, etc). Instead I propose that the main goal of international law historically has been to perpetuate a certain theory of the Legitimate subjects of international relations, namely states. Everything in international law is secondary to that goal, and all else is merely a sophisticated deduction from this basic premise. The paper suggests that developments in recent decades have in some ways hardly made a dent in the centrality of the state, even as they ambition to restrain it and redefine sovereignty. A link between the historical sociology of the state and international law is made to show how international law is part of the construction of the legitimacy of the state's monopoly on Violence. The paper suggests that talk of the subjecthood of non-state actors in international law is for the most part precocious given the upper-hand that the state still has formally on all matters international, and that the discourse in many ways merely serves to reinforce sovereignty. The article concludes by offering some thoughts on the difficulty of fundamental reform from within a normative system whose main goal is perpetuation of a certain order of power. The final and only definitive version will be published in the Revue quebecoise de droit international.
Jennifer Carlson - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Revisiting the Weberian Presumption: Gun Militarism, Gun Populism, and the Racial Politics of Legitimate Violence in Policing
American Journal of Sociology, 2019Co-Authors: Jennifer CarlsonAbstract:Focusing on police chiefs in three states, this study revisits the Weberian presumption of the state’s monopoly on Legitimate Violence. Seventy-nine interviews with police chiefs in Arizona, Michig...
Picaud Myrtille - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Le gendarme et les festivals : L’indemnisation des forces de l’ordre par les organisateurs d’événements musicaux en France
'Consortium Erudit', 2020Co-Authors: Picaud MyrtilleAbstract:Cet article examine l’indemnisation des forces de l’ordre par les organisateurs d’événements musicaux, en particulier de festivals, en France. La gestion de l’ordre public y est marquée par la prééminence de l’État, ainsi que de la police nationale et la gendarmerie. L’indemnisation des services de ces dernières témoigne du pouvoir discrétionnaire du préfet, représentant de l’État, dans l’établissement (ou non) de la facturation, laquelle fait l’objet de fortes résistances de la part des organisateurs de festivals. En variant les dispositifs de sécurité ainsi que les montants de l’indemnisation, les préfets influent sur les relations entre forces de l’ordre et administrés. Dans le cas de l’indemnisation des forces de l’ordre par les organisateurs d’événements musicaux, sur qui s’exerce ce pouvoir discrétionnaire, et avec quels effets ? Et que révèle la mise en oeuvre de « droits », mais aussi de « passe-droits » par l’autorité préfectorale au sujet des relations entre État, police et société ? Une enquête qualitative, combinant entretiens, observations et sources documentaires variées, permet de répondre à ces questions. L’examen du recours différencié à l’indemnisation des forces de l’ordre par les préfets témoigne de la centralité des caractéristiques des territoires concernés, ainsi que des représentations préfectorales des événements musicaux et de leurs publics, prises en compte dans la définition du dispositif de sûreté. De surcroît, la définition des territoires professionnels et du monopole de l’État dans l’exercice de la Violence légitime freine la concertation entre organisateurs et préfets sur la mise en oeuvre des dispositifs de sûreté.This paper examines the way military and civilian police bill their services to musical event organisers, particularly festivals, in France. In this country, the State holds a preeminent position in the managing of public order, with military and civilian police. The compensation of their services testifies to the discretionary power of the prefect, who represents the State, in establishing the invoice (or avoiding to). By varying the number of police forces and the amount of the compensation, prefects influence the relationship between law enforcement and the people they serve. This billing is strongly opposed by festival organisers. In the case of the billing of police services during music events, on who is this discretionary power used and with what effects? And what does the strict implementation of the billing, or on the contrary, the allocation of special favours by the prefects reveal of the relationships between the State, the police and society? These questions are answered by drawing on qualitative material, combining interviews, ethnographic data and diverse documentary sources. The analysis of the differential use of the billing sheds light on the role that the territories’ characteristics, as well as the prefectural representations of musical events and their audiences play in the definition of the security measures. In addition, the way professional territories are defined and the State’s monopoly in the exercise of Legitimate Violence hinders dialogue between organizers and prefects on the implementation of security measures
Lachenal Perrine - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Des mises en « martyrs » contestées
Archives de sciences sociales des religions, 2022Co-Authors: Lachenal PerrineAbstract:L’étude des logiques concurrentes d’attribution du qualificatif « martyr » permet de rendre visibles les tensions qui organisent, depuis 2011, la mise en récits et en images de la révolution égyptienne. Dans une période où plusieurs référents politiques et cadres interprétatifs rivalisent pour faire autorité, les manières de dire et de montrer sont loin d’être secondaires et les modalités de désignation et de représentation des martyrs l’illustrent bien. Le conflit autour des processus de fabrique des « martyrs de la révolution », travaillés tant par des enjeux sociaux que sexués, ne se cantonne pas à l’ordre du discours mais se traduit graphiquement dans les différents espaces mémoriels relatifs à la révolution.The study of the competing logics of attribution of the term “martyr” since 2011 makes visible the tensions that organize the narratives and images of the Egyptian revolution. Different circuits of designation and representation of the “martyrs” coexist in Egyptian society, but not without conflict: they compete and confront one another, each referring to a singular idea of justice as well as a precise definition of the enemy, the one toward whom Legitimate Violence is conceivable and possible. Conflicts around the “martyrs” of the Egyptian revolution, which are shaped by social as well as gendered considerations, are not confined to the order of discourse, but are also translated visually into the different memorial spaces and iconographic performances relating to the revolution.El estudio de la lógica competitiva de la atribución del calificativo "mártir" permite hacer visibles las tensiones que organizan, desde 2011, el escenario en narrativas y en imágenes de la revolución egipcia. En un período en el que varios referentes políticos y marcos interpretativos compiten por ser autoritarios, las formas de decir y mostrar están lejos de ser secundarias y los métodos de designación y representación de los mártires lo ilustran bien. El conflicto en torno a los procesos de fabricación de los "mártires de la revolución", trabajados tanto por cuestiones sociales como sexuales, no se limita al orden del discurso sino que se refleja gráficamente en los diferentes espacios de memoria relacionados con la revolución