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Justin L Thomas - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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the educational costs of being multiracial evidence from a national survey of adolescents
2001Co-Authors: David R. Harris, Justin L ThomasAbstract:There is clear evidence that the number of multiracial children in the U.S. is growing, yet existing research offers few insights into how outcomes for these children compare to those of their single-race peers. We address this gap by using the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health to assess racial differences in education. Specifically, we compare vocabulary scores, grade point averages, and odds of repeating a grade for multiracial and single-race youth. Our findings deviate substantially from the predictions of the marginal man hypothesis, an influential, rarely tested thesis about the consequences of being multiracial. We find that white/black youth have outcomes that are unlike those of blacks, and white/American Indians do not differ from whites, but the situation is more complex for white/Asians. We close by acknowledging that racial classification is a social process, and discussing the implications of racial fluidity for assessments of educational differences. Over the past three decades the United States has experienced a substantial increase in the number of interracial marriages, the number of children born to interracial couples, and the number of people who identify as multiracial (Grieco and Cassidy 2001; Suro 1998; Tafoya 2000; U.S. Census Bureau 1994, 2001). Although many see these as positive changes, not everyone is convinced (Bobo 2001). Some object on purely racist grounds (Rushton 1995), while others express concerns about the loss of identity and community that accompanies assimilation (Spickard 1989), or the barriers created for people searching for a same-race partner (Crowder and Tolnay 1999). Additionally, many claim to oppose interracial marriage because they are concerned about the social and psychological well-being of multiracial children. As one observer remarked, “The only thing that bothers me about interracial relationships is the kids that are produced—that poor child! You see a black and white couple together and they have a child, and you know the whites’ll say ‘ugh’ and the blacks’ll say the same” (Frankenberg 1993, pp. 94-95). The belief that multiracial children are destined to experience social and psychological difficulties has been formally stated as the marginal man hypothesis (Park 1928, 1931; Stonequist 1935, 1937). This hypothesis is remarkable for its influence on American racial thought (Funderburg 1994), and for the fact that it has rarely been subjected to rigorous empirical scrutiny. In this paper we test the educational component of the marginal man hypothesis with data from a nationally-representative sample of youth. Although we are not the first to examine educational outcomes for multiracials, our study is unique in its generalizability, range of outcomes, and approach to defining “multiracial”. Race, Mixed Race, and Education Over 60 years ago Park (1928, 1931) and Stonequist (1935, 1937) conducted a series of in-depth studies of multiracial populations, a group they referred to as “marginal men”. They concluded that because multiracial people are between multiple social worlds, they reflect “the discords and harmonies, repulsions and attractions of these worlds” (Stonequist 1937, p. 8). To Park and Stonequist, being multiracial had an important, permanent, and nearly inescapable impact on one’s life. Stonequist wrote that one’s “dual social connections will then be reflected in the type of life he leads, the nature of his achievements or failures, his conception of himself, and many of his social attitudes and aspirations” (pp. 3-4). For Stonequist and Park, being multiracial was a defining quality of an individual, and the marginal man was a distinctive personality type. Although Stonequist and Park argued that anxiety associated with racial marginality “initiates a process of disorganization which finds expression in statistics of delinquency, crime, suicide and Mental Instability” (Stonequist 1935, p. 12), they did not believe that multiracials would necessarily have poor educational outcomes. Instead, they observed that white/black individuals were more intelligent than blacks, and were more likely to become leaders, because crises of marginality made them more selfconscious and reflective. Other reasons they offered for the achievement of multiracials included more contact with the dominant culture, and a lower likelihood of experiencing color prejudice. Neither scholar made explicit comparisons between multiracials and whites, although one can infer from their writings that they assumed white achievement would be superior. Hypothesis 1.Educational accomplishments of multiracials lag behind those of whites, but surpass those of component nonwhite groups. In addition to making claims about the psychological, social, and educational characteristics of multiracials, Park and Stonequist also discussed variation in the consequences of marginality. They observed that some people react to their marginal status by developing positive coping mechanisms and leading fairly normal lives, while for others, marginality spawns a self-destructive cycle of anxiety and despair. Although some of this variation can be attributed to individual-level personality differences, both 1 In this paper, A/B refers to multiracials who identify as A and B.
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the educational costs of being multiracial evidence from a national survey of adolescents
2001Co-Authors: David R. Harris, Justin L ThomasAbstract:There is clear evidence that the number of multiracial children in the U.S. is growing, yet existing research offers few insights into how outcomes for these children compare to those of their single-race peers. We address this gap by using the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health to assess racial differences in education. Specifically, we compare vocabulary scores, grade point averages, and odds of repeating a grade for multiracial and single-race youth. Our findings deviate substantially from the predictions of the marginal man hypothesis, an influential, rarely tested thesis about the consequences of being multiracial. We find that white/black youth have outcomes that are unlike those of blacks, and white/American Indians do not differ from whites, but the situation is more complex for white/Asians. We close by acknowledging that racial classification is a social process, and discussing the implications of racial fluidity for assessments of educational differences. Over the past three decades the United States has experienced a substantial increase in the number of interracial marriages, the number of children born to interracial couples, and the number of people who identify as multiracial (Grieco and Cassidy 2001; Suro 1998; Tafoya 2000; U.S. Census Bureau 1994, 2001). Although many see these as positive changes, not everyone is convinced (Bobo 2001). Some object on purely racist grounds (Rushton 1995), while others express concerns about the loss of identity and community that accompanies assimilation (Spickard 1989), or the barriers created for people searching for a same-race partner (Crowder and Tolnay 1999). Additionally, many claim to oppose interracial marriage because they are concerned about the social and psychological well-being of multiracial children. As one observer remarked, “The only thing that bothers me about interracial relationships is the kids that are produced—that poor child! You see a black and white couple together and they have a child, and you know the whites’ll say ‘ugh’ and the blacks’ll say the same” (Frankenberg 1993, pp. 94-95). The belief that multiracial children are destined to experience social and psychological difficulties has been formally stated as the marginal man hypothesis (Park 1928, 1931; Stonequist 1935, 1937). This hypothesis is remarkable for its influence on American racial thought (Funderburg 1994), and for the fact that it has rarely been subjected to rigorous empirical scrutiny. In this paper we test the educational component of the marginal man hypothesis with data from a nationally-representative sample of youth. Although we are not the first to examine educational outcomes for multiracials, our study is unique in its generalizability, range of outcomes, and approach to defining “multiracial”. Race, Mixed Race, and Education Over 60 years ago Park (1928, 1931) and Stonequist (1935, 1937) conducted a series of in-depth studies of multiracial populations, a group they referred to as “marginal men”. They concluded that because multiracial people are between multiple social worlds, they reflect “the discords and harmonies, repulsions and attractions of these worlds” (Stonequist 1937, p. 8). To Park and Stonequist, being multiracial had an important, permanent, and nearly inescapable impact on one’s life. Stonequist wrote that one’s “dual social connections will then be reflected in the type of life he leads, the nature of his achievements or failures, his conception of himself, and many of his social attitudes and aspirations” (pp. 3-4). For Stonequist and Park, being multiracial was a defining quality of an individual, and the marginal man was a distinctive personality type. Although Stonequist and Park argued that anxiety associated with racial marginality “initiates a process of disorganization which finds expression in statistics of delinquency, crime, suicide and Mental Instability” (Stonequist 1935, p. 12), they did not believe that multiracials would necessarily have poor educational outcomes. Instead, they observed that white/black individuals were more intelligent than blacks, and were more likely to become leaders, because crises of marginality made them more selfconscious and reflective. Other reasons they offered for the achievement of multiracials included more contact with the dominant culture, and a lower likelihood of experiencing color prejudice. Neither scholar made explicit comparisons between multiracials and whites, although one can infer from their writings that they assumed white achievement would be superior. Hypothesis 1.Educational accomplishments of multiracials lag behind those of whites, but surpass those of component nonwhite groups. In addition to making claims about the psychological, social, and educational characteristics of multiracials, Park and Stonequist also discussed variation in the consequences of marginality. They observed that some people react to their marginal status by developing positive coping mechanisms and leading fairly normal lives, while for others, marginality spawns a self-destructive cycle of anxiety and despair. Although some of this variation can be attributed to individual-level personality differences, both 1 In this paper, A/B refers to multiracials who identify as A and B.
David R. Harris - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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the educational costs of being multiracial evidence from a national survey of adolescents
2001Co-Authors: David R. Harris, Justin L ThomasAbstract:There is clear evidence that the number of multiracial children in the U.S. is growing, yet existing research offers few insights into how outcomes for these children compare to those of their single-race peers. We address this gap by using the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health to assess racial differences in education. Specifically, we compare vocabulary scores, grade point averages, and odds of repeating a grade for multiracial and single-race youth. Our findings deviate substantially from the predictions of the marginal man hypothesis, an influential, rarely tested thesis about the consequences of being multiracial. We find that white/black youth have outcomes that are unlike those of blacks, and white/American Indians do not differ from whites, but the situation is more complex for white/Asians. We close by acknowledging that racial classification is a social process, and discussing the implications of racial fluidity for assessments of educational differences. Over the past three decades the United States has experienced a substantial increase in the number of interracial marriages, the number of children born to interracial couples, and the number of people who identify as multiracial (Grieco and Cassidy 2001; Suro 1998; Tafoya 2000; U.S. Census Bureau 1994, 2001). Although many see these as positive changes, not everyone is convinced (Bobo 2001). Some object on purely racist grounds (Rushton 1995), while others express concerns about the loss of identity and community that accompanies assimilation (Spickard 1989), or the barriers created for people searching for a same-race partner (Crowder and Tolnay 1999). Additionally, many claim to oppose interracial marriage because they are concerned about the social and psychological well-being of multiracial children. As one observer remarked, “The only thing that bothers me about interracial relationships is the kids that are produced—that poor child! You see a black and white couple together and they have a child, and you know the whites’ll say ‘ugh’ and the blacks’ll say the same” (Frankenberg 1993, pp. 94-95). The belief that multiracial children are destined to experience social and psychological difficulties has been formally stated as the marginal man hypothesis (Park 1928, 1931; Stonequist 1935, 1937). This hypothesis is remarkable for its influence on American racial thought (Funderburg 1994), and for the fact that it has rarely been subjected to rigorous empirical scrutiny. In this paper we test the educational component of the marginal man hypothesis with data from a nationally-representative sample of youth. Although we are not the first to examine educational outcomes for multiracials, our study is unique in its generalizability, range of outcomes, and approach to defining “multiracial”. Race, Mixed Race, and Education Over 60 years ago Park (1928, 1931) and Stonequist (1935, 1937) conducted a series of in-depth studies of multiracial populations, a group they referred to as “marginal men”. They concluded that because multiracial people are between multiple social worlds, they reflect “the discords and harmonies, repulsions and attractions of these worlds” (Stonequist 1937, p. 8). To Park and Stonequist, being multiracial had an important, permanent, and nearly inescapable impact on one’s life. Stonequist wrote that one’s “dual social connections will then be reflected in the type of life he leads, the nature of his achievements or failures, his conception of himself, and many of his social attitudes and aspirations” (pp. 3-4). For Stonequist and Park, being multiracial was a defining quality of an individual, and the marginal man was a distinctive personality type. Although Stonequist and Park argued that anxiety associated with racial marginality “initiates a process of disorganization which finds expression in statistics of delinquency, crime, suicide and Mental Instability” (Stonequist 1935, p. 12), they did not believe that multiracials would necessarily have poor educational outcomes. Instead, they observed that white/black individuals were more intelligent than blacks, and were more likely to become leaders, because crises of marginality made them more selfconscious and reflective. Other reasons they offered for the achievement of multiracials included more contact with the dominant culture, and a lower likelihood of experiencing color prejudice. Neither scholar made explicit comparisons between multiracials and whites, although one can infer from their writings that they assumed white achievement would be superior. Hypothesis 1.Educational accomplishments of multiracials lag behind those of whites, but surpass those of component nonwhite groups. In addition to making claims about the psychological, social, and educational characteristics of multiracials, Park and Stonequist also discussed variation in the consequences of marginality. They observed that some people react to their marginal status by developing positive coping mechanisms and leading fairly normal lives, while for others, marginality spawns a self-destructive cycle of anxiety and despair. Although some of this variation can be attributed to individual-level personality differences, both 1 In this paper, A/B refers to multiracials who identify as A and B.
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the educational costs of being multiracial evidence from a national survey of adolescents
2001Co-Authors: David R. Harris, Justin L ThomasAbstract:There is clear evidence that the number of multiracial children in the U.S. is growing, yet existing research offers few insights into how outcomes for these children compare to those of their single-race peers. We address this gap by using the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health to assess racial differences in education. Specifically, we compare vocabulary scores, grade point averages, and odds of repeating a grade for multiracial and single-race youth. Our findings deviate substantially from the predictions of the marginal man hypothesis, an influential, rarely tested thesis about the consequences of being multiracial. We find that white/black youth have outcomes that are unlike those of blacks, and white/American Indians do not differ from whites, but the situation is more complex for white/Asians. We close by acknowledging that racial classification is a social process, and discussing the implications of racial fluidity for assessments of educational differences. Over the past three decades the United States has experienced a substantial increase in the number of interracial marriages, the number of children born to interracial couples, and the number of people who identify as multiracial (Grieco and Cassidy 2001; Suro 1998; Tafoya 2000; U.S. Census Bureau 1994, 2001). Although many see these as positive changes, not everyone is convinced (Bobo 2001). Some object on purely racist grounds (Rushton 1995), while others express concerns about the loss of identity and community that accompanies assimilation (Spickard 1989), or the barriers created for people searching for a same-race partner (Crowder and Tolnay 1999). Additionally, many claim to oppose interracial marriage because they are concerned about the social and psychological well-being of multiracial children. As one observer remarked, “The only thing that bothers me about interracial relationships is the kids that are produced—that poor child! You see a black and white couple together and they have a child, and you know the whites’ll say ‘ugh’ and the blacks’ll say the same” (Frankenberg 1993, pp. 94-95). The belief that multiracial children are destined to experience social and psychological difficulties has been formally stated as the marginal man hypothesis (Park 1928, 1931; Stonequist 1935, 1937). This hypothesis is remarkable for its influence on American racial thought (Funderburg 1994), and for the fact that it has rarely been subjected to rigorous empirical scrutiny. In this paper we test the educational component of the marginal man hypothesis with data from a nationally-representative sample of youth. Although we are not the first to examine educational outcomes for multiracials, our study is unique in its generalizability, range of outcomes, and approach to defining “multiracial”. Race, Mixed Race, and Education Over 60 years ago Park (1928, 1931) and Stonequist (1935, 1937) conducted a series of in-depth studies of multiracial populations, a group they referred to as “marginal men”. They concluded that because multiracial people are between multiple social worlds, they reflect “the discords and harmonies, repulsions and attractions of these worlds” (Stonequist 1937, p. 8). To Park and Stonequist, being multiracial had an important, permanent, and nearly inescapable impact on one’s life. Stonequist wrote that one’s “dual social connections will then be reflected in the type of life he leads, the nature of his achievements or failures, his conception of himself, and many of his social attitudes and aspirations” (pp. 3-4). For Stonequist and Park, being multiracial was a defining quality of an individual, and the marginal man was a distinctive personality type. Although Stonequist and Park argued that anxiety associated with racial marginality “initiates a process of disorganization which finds expression in statistics of delinquency, crime, suicide and Mental Instability” (Stonequist 1935, p. 12), they did not believe that multiracials would necessarily have poor educational outcomes. Instead, they observed that white/black individuals were more intelligent than blacks, and were more likely to become leaders, because crises of marginality made them more selfconscious and reflective. Other reasons they offered for the achievement of multiracials included more contact with the dominant culture, and a lower likelihood of experiencing color prejudice. Neither scholar made explicit comparisons between multiracials and whites, although one can infer from their writings that they assumed white achievement would be superior. Hypothesis 1.Educational accomplishments of multiracials lag behind those of whites, but surpass those of component nonwhite groups. In addition to making claims about the psychological, social, and educational characteristics of multiracials, Park and Stonequist also discussed variation in the consequences of marginality. They observed that some people react to their marginal status by developing positive coping mechanisms and leading fairly normal lives, while for others, marginality spawns a self-destructive cycle of anxiety and despair. Although some of this variation can be attributed to individual-level personality differences, both 1 In this paper, A/B refers to multiracials who identify as A and B.
Sullivan J. Thomas - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Mass Shootings, Mental Illness, and Tarasoff
Bowen Law Repository: Scholarship & Archives, 2021Co-Authors: Sullivan J. ThomasAbstract:The continuing public attention focused on acts of mass violence, including mass shootings, has understandably created significant concerns over the ability to protect individuals from death and injury attributable to these acts. At least two generalized explanations for this kind of violence have been put forward, based on the nature of the acts and apparent motivation of the perpetrators, who are often killed in the process by themselves or law enforcement officers. Many acts of mass violence are committed by individuals confirmed to be terrorists, acting with political or religious-political motivations. Others are assumed to be committed by individuals acting out of Mental Instability. For at least the latter, evidence of prior Mental health problems or treatment affords support for the notion that Mental health professionals may offer the potential for prevention in some cases or instances. While looking to the Mental health professions for solutions to some cases of mass violence may seem logical and has resulted in legislative responses that recognize or create a duty for Mental health professionals to warn or take other protective action to prevent injury to third persons, it is far from clear that this approach can be counted on to yield favorable results, and certainly not with respect to all, or even a majority of episodes of mass violence
Dana Vuckovic - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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La perception de la folie dans "Adieu" de Balzac et "Thérèse Raquin" de Zola et leurs adaptations cinématographiques ou théâtrales
2021Co-Authors: Dana VuckovicAbstract:This Masters thesis seeks to explain the nature and mystery of madness as well as the indispensable role it plays in two literary works: "Thérèse Raquin" written by Émile Zola in 1868 and "Adieu", a short story by Honoré de Balzac published in 1830. These literary texts are compared to several of their cinematographic and theatrical adaptations dating from 1953 to 2013. The research explores the ways in which human desires and passions represent the potential causes of Mental Instability for persons living not only in the 19th century, but also for the people of todays day and age. By studying madness through a historical perspective, this work identifies the various definitions of madness proposed by Ancient Greeks as well by 19th century French psychiatrists. This study means to elucidate how the cinematographic and theatrical adaptations differ from the source texts and how directors translate Mental illness through staging and framing.Ce mémoire se concentre sur les approches de la folie au XIXe siècle, y compris le rôle primordial qu’elle joue dans Thérèse Raquin, roman de 1868 d’Émile Zola et Adieu, nouvelle de 1830 d’Honoré de Balzac. Nous comparerons ces œuvres à leurs adaptations cinématographiques et théâtrales datant de 1953 jusqu’à 2013. Nous explorerons les façons dont les désirs ardents, les passions amoureuses et le confinement représentent des sources d’angoisse et même, dans une certaine mesure, les causes de la folie pour les gens autant au XIXe qu’au XXIe siècle. En adoptant une perspective historique pour identifier les différentes classifications de la folie, nous mettrons en avant les théories des Anciens jusqu’à celles des psychiatres qui nous sont contemporains. Ainsi considérerons-nous les diverses définitions de ce qu’était la folie et de ce qu’elle est aujourd’hui. Par ailleurs, nous tâcherons de comprendre en quoi les adaptations cinématographiques et théâtrales se distinguent des œuvres afin de montrer les façons dont les réalisateurs interprètent la maladie des personnages et la traduisent à l’écran ou sur scène à l’aide des outils comme la mise en scène ou le cadrage photographique
Robert Lourdusamy - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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secure secret key sharing based strong cryptography algorithm for exchange medical data between networks with secure manner
Design Engineering, 2021Co-Authors: Jansi Rani Amalraj, Robert LourdusamyAbstract:Heterogeneous networks require specific security measures to guarantee security, privacy, data integrity and confidentiality of a patient’s health records at all the times. A supporting heterogeneous networks infrastructure must implement specific security operations that guarantee all of these features. Security and privacy of patient information are the two crucial features for within each Heterogeneous network. Security implies information is guarded from unauthorized users when being transmitted, gathered, processed and remains securely stored. On the other hand, privacy suggests the authority to control the gathering and usage of one’s personal information. For instance, a patient may require his details not to share among insurance companies who could use this information to restrain his/her from the coverage. More specifically, mission-critical data within a heterogeneous network is susceptible, that if leaked to unauthorized personnel could lead to several consequences for the patient such as losing the job, public humiliation and Mental Instability. This paper proposed Secure Secret key Sharing based Strong Cryptography (S4C) algorithm for exchange medical data between networks with secured manner, to deal with this problem. The experiMental results show that the S4C algorithms provide strong cryptography and secure secret key sharing with less encryption and decryption time at healthcare environment in heterogeneous networks.