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Geoffrey C. Layman - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • The Party Faithful: Partisan Images, Candidate Religion, and the Electoral Impact of Party Identification
    American Journal of Political Science, 2010
    Co-Authors: David E. Campbell, John C. Green, Geoffrey C. Layman
    Abstract:

    We argue that the factors shaping the impact of partisanship on vote choice—“partisan voting”—depend on the nature of Party Identification. Because Party Identification is partly based on images of the social group characteristics of the parties, the social profiles of political candidates should affect levels of partisan voting. A candidate's religious affiliation enables a test of this hypothesis. Using survey experiments which vary a hypothetical candidate's religious affiliation, we find strong evidence that candidates’ religions can affect partisan voting. Identifying a candidate as an evangelical (a group viewed as Republican) increases Republican support for, and Democratic opposition to, the candidate, while identifying the candidate as a Catholic (a group lacking a clear partisan profile) has no bearing on partisan voting. Importantly, the conditional effect of candidate religion on partisan voting requires the group to have a salient partisan image and holds with controls for respondents’ own religious affiliations and ideologies.

  • changing sides or changing minds Party Identification and policy preferences in the american electorate
    American Journal of Political Science, 2006
    Co-Authors: Thomas M Carsey, Geoffrey C. Layman
    Abstract:

    Scholars have long debated the individual-level relationship between partisanship and policy preferences. We argue that partisanship and issue attitudes cause changes in each other, but the pattern of influence varies systematically. Issue-based change in Party Identification should occur among individuals who are aware of Party differences on an issue and find that issue to be salient. Individuals who are aware of Party differences, but do not attach importance to the issue, should evidence Party-based issue change. Those lacking awareness of Party differences on an issue should show neither effect. We test our account by examining individuals' Party Identifications and their attitudes on abortion, government spending and provision of services, and government help for African Americans using the 1992-94-96 National Election Study panel study, finding strong support for our argument. We discuss the implications of our findings both for the microlevel study of Party Identification and the macrolevel analysis of partisan change.

Paul Goren - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • Party Identification issue attitudes and the dynamics of political debate
    American Journal of Political Science, 2010
    Co-Authors: Logan Dancey, Paul Goren
    Abstract:

    This article investigates whether media coverage of elite debate surrounding an issue moderates the relationship between individual-level partisan identities and issue preferences. We posit that when the news media cover debate among partisan elites on a given issue, citizens update their Party identities and issue attitudes. We test this proposition for a quartet of prominent issues debated during the first Clinton term: health care reform, welfare reform, gay rights, and affirmative action. Drawing on data from the Vanderbilt Television News Archives and the 1992-93-94-96 NES panel, we demonstrate that when partisan debate on an important issue receives extensive media coverage, partisanship systematically affects—and is affected by—issue attitudes. When the issue is not being contested, dynamic updating between Party ties and issue attitudes ceases.

  • Party Identification and core political values
    American Journal of Political Science, 2005
    Co-Authors: Paul Goren
    Abstract:

    Party Identification and core political values are central elements in the political belief systems of ordinary citizens. Are these predispositions related to one another? Does Party Identification influence core political values or are partisan identities grounded in such values? This article draws upon theoretical works on partisan information processing and value-based reasoning to derive competing hypotheses about whethe rp artisanship shapes political values or political values shape partisanship. The hypotheses are tested by using structural equation modeling techniques to estimate dynamic models of attitude stability and constraint with data from the 1992‐94‐96 National Election Study panel survey. The analyses reveal that partisan identities are more stable than the principles of equal opportunity, limited government, traditional family values, and moral tolerance; Party Identification constrains equal opportunity, limited government, and moral tolerance; and these political values do not constrain Party Identification.

Margaret C Trevor - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • political socialization Party Identification and the gender gap
    Public Opinion Quarterly, 1999
    Co-Authors: Margaret C Trevor
    Abstract:

    While it is a key explanatory factor in many areas, socialization is seemingly neglected as an explanation for differences in partisanship between men and women. Using a Markov model, the A. will show that individual level socialization patterns that appear in several studies of the American electorate as early as the 1960s can account for some of the aggregate differences that have been labeled as the gender gap in the 1980s and 1990s. Predictions of aggregate Identification levels generated by this model can then be used to generate dynamic baselines of predicted levels of Democratic, independent, and Republican Identification that clearly show differences between men and women. These baselines can be used to measure true effects of issues on Party Identification. Furthermore, ignoring these effects at the aggregate level can lead to incorrect conclusions about the relative levels influence of other factors on differences in voting patterns between men and women.

Donald P Green - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • the stability of Party Identification in western democracies results from eight panel surveys
    Comparative Political Studies, 1997
    Co-Authors: Eric Schickler, Donald P Green
    Abstract:

    The concept of Party Identification is widely thought to be of limited utility outside the United States, where partisan attachments are regarded as unstable. The authors argue that estimating the stability of Party Identification outside the United States requires attention to problems of dimensionality and measurement error. The authors develop a model for estimating the stability of partisanship that addresses these problems, and they apply the model to eight panel surveys drawn from Great Britain, Canada, and Germany. The results suggest that partisanship has been extremely stable in each country, with the exception of recent developments in Canada. The model and findings presented here suggest the need for refinement in the way partisanship is measured, and partisan stability assessed, in multiParty systems.

  • how stable is Party Identification
    Political Behavior, 1994
    Co-Authors: Donald P Green, Bradley Palmquist
    Abstract:

    This essay refines and extends our argument (Green and Palmquist, 1990) that net of the distorting effects of measurement error, Americans' partisanship tends to be highly stable over time. Three challenges to this thesis are addressed. In response to doubts about the generalizability of our earlier findings to panel studies of longer duration or from other eras, we show that nine multi-wave panel studies yield similar results. Next, we take up the question of whether our model can account for observed patterns of partisan conversion. The rate of Party-switching forces some modifications in the statistical assumptions used to model Party Identification over time, but a revised model which can account for inter-Party change reproduces earlier findings of partisan stability. Third, we grapple with the question of how our findings square with fluctuations in what has been termed “macropartisanship”. We suggest that aggregate shifts in Party Identification need not be incompatible with strong over-time correlations at the individual level. Finally, we develop a simulation of micropartisanship to illustrate that over long stretches of time very gradual changes in partisanship can accumulate to produce appreciable levels of micropartisan change.

  • multiple measure assessment of Party Identification
    Public Opinion Quarterly, 1993
    Co-Authors: Donald P Green, Eric Schickler
    Abstract:

    Recent research has focused attention on the impor- tance of accounting for measurement error in Party Identification when modeling the stability of partisanship and the determinants of the vote. Measurement error estimates have in the past been based on a single measure of partisanship observed at multiple points in time, a test-retest methodology that requires fairly strong assumptions about the character of change over time. This article assesses the reliability of the Michigan Party Identification scale using multiple measures of partisanship at a single point in time. Our data not only corroborate previous test-retest results but also suggest that the accuracy with which partisanship pre- dicts candidate preferences can be enhanced using multiple mea- sures. One measure in particular, a labeled 7-point self-placement continuum, is found to hold significant potential to supplement and illuminate the Michigan scale.

Dan Kovenock - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • electoral poaching and Party Identification
    Journal of Theoretical Politics, 2008
    Co-Authors: Dan Kovenock, Brian Roberson
    Abstract:

    In dieser Studie wird der Wahlkampf in einem Modellrahmen mit umverteilender Politik untersucht. Dabei gehen wir von den Annahmen deterministischen Wahlverhaltens und heterogenen Wahlerbindung an die politischen Parteien aus. Wir generieren eine naturliche Messgrose fur die Starke einer Partei. Sie beruht auf der Grose und Intensitat der parteiloyalen Wahlersegmente und zeigt wie sich das Verhalten der Parteien verandert in Abhangigkeit von der Starke der beiden Parteien. Im Gleichgewicht versuchen die Parteien einen Teil der loyalen Wahlerschaft der Gegenpartei mit dem Versprechen hoher Transferzahlungen abzuwerben, wahrend den restlichen Teilen der gegnerischen Wahlerschaft Null-Transfers in Aussicht gestellt werden. Die Anzahl dieser letzteren Oppositionswahler, die keine Transferzahlungen erhalten werden, und das Niveau der Ungleichverteilung der Nutzen durch die im Gleichgewicht resultierende Umverteilung steigen in Abhangigkeit von der Starke der Oppositionspartei. Des weiteren wird eine Messgrose der politischen Polarisierung konstruiert, das mit der Summe und Symmetrie der Parteienstarke steigt. Als Ergebnis lasst sich feststellen, dass das erwartete ex-post Ungleichgewicht des Nutzens der implementierten Politik ansteigt, je starker die politische Polarisierung ist.

  • electoral poaching and Party Identification
    Social Science Research Network, 2005
    Co-Authors: Dan Kovenock, Brian Roberson
    Abstract:

    This paper studies electoral competition in a model of redistributive politics with deterministic voting and heterogeneous voter loyalties to political parties. We construct a natural measure of Party strength based on the sizes and intensities of a Party's loyal voter segments and demonstrate how Party behavior varies with the two parties' strengths. In equilibrium, parties target or poach a strict subset of the opposition Party's loyal voters: offering those voters a high expected transfer, while freezing out the remainder with a zero transfer. The size of the subset of opposition voters frozen out and, consequently, the level of inequality in utilities generated by a Party's equilibrium redistribution schedule is increasing in the opposition Party's strength. We also construct a measure of political polarization that is increasing in the sum and symmetry of the parties' strengths, and find that the expected ex-post inequality in utilities of the implemented policy is increasing in political polarization.