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Paul Freedman - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Campaign Advertising and democratic citizenship
American Journal of Political Science, 2004Co-Authors: Paul Freedman, Michael Franz, Kenneth GoldsteinAbstract:Concern about the state ofAmerican democracy is a staple of Political science and popular comnzentary. Critics warn that levels ofcitizen participation andPolitical knowledge are disturbingly low and that seemingly ubiquitousPolitical Advertising is contributing to the problem. We argue that Political Advertising is rife with both informational and emotional content and actually contributes to a more informed, more engaged, and more participatory citizenry. With detailed Advertising data from the 2000 election, we show that exposure to campaign Advertising produces citizens who are more interested in the election, have more to say about the candidates, are more familiar with who is running, and ultimately are more likely to vote. Importantly, these effects are concentrated among those citizens who need it most: those with the lowestpre-existing levels ofPolitical information.
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campaign Advertising and voter turnout new evidence for a stimulation effect
The Journal of Politics, 2002Co-Authors: Kenneth M Goldstein, Paul FreedmanAbstract:Recent controversy over campaign Advertising has focused on the effects of negative ads on voters. Proponents of the demobilization hypothesis have argued that negative ads turn off voters and shrink the size of the electorate. We argue that negative campaign charges are just as likely to engage potential voters, leading to a stimulation effect when it comes to turnout. Drawing on a new source of ad-tracking data from the 1996 presidential election, combined with the 1996 National Election Study, we generate estimates of the probability that voters were exposed to positive and negative Political Advertising. With this new, more precise approach, we find unambiguous evidence that exposure to negative campaign ads actually stimulates voter turnout.
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lessons learned campaign Advertising in the 2000 elections
Political Communication, 2002Co-Authors: Kenneth M Goldstein, Paul FreedmanAbstract:Television Advertising is a key element of contemporary Political campaigns. Until now, however, scholars have been able to say relatively little about the distribution and impact of television ads, primarily because comprehensive data on Advertising have not been available. In this article, we introduce a new source of tracking information for Political Advertising, with information on close to 1 million Political ads broadcast during the 2000 election. These data include the time, station, and show on which each individual spot aired; the ad's sponsor; the length of the spot; and an estimate of the cost of the commercial. We use these data to describe the content, tone, timing, sponsorship, and geographic targeting of Advertising in the 2000 election with special attention paid to the presidential general election campaign. We then derive a series of lessons about campaign Advertising and identify a number of directions for future research.
Kenneth M Goldstein - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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separation by television program understanding the targeting of Political Advertising in presidential elections
Political Communication, 2012Co-Authors: Travis N. Ridout, Michael M Franz, Kenneth M Goldstein, William J FeltusAbstract:Although conventional wisdom suggests that imbalanced message flows are relatively rare in presidential campaigns, this view relies on the assumption that competing campaigns allocate their Advertising similarly. In this research, we show that this assumption is false. We combine ad tracking data from the Wisconsin Advertising Project with a unique collection of survey data on the audience for various program genres. Examining Advertising in the 2000, 2004, and 2008 U.S. presidential races, we find that the Republican and Democratic candidates distributed their Advertising differently across different program genres, reaching different types of voters. A form of microtargeting has increasingly entered into the realm of Political Advertising buys. We find that who sees certain Political ads is more nonrandom than scholars had previously thought, and we find that unbalanced message flows (a precondition for ad persuasion) are more prevalent than conventional wisdom has suggested.
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Evaluating Measures of Campaign Advertising Exposure on Political Learning
Political Behavior, 2004Co-Authors: Travis N. Ridout, Kenneth M Goldstein, Dhavan V. Shah, Michael M FranzAbstract:Scholars employ various methods to measure exposure to televised Political Advertising but often arrive at conflicting conclusions about its impact on the thoughts and actions of citizens. We attempt to clarify one of these debates while validating a parsimonious measure of Political Advertising exposure. To do so, we assess the predictive power of six different measurement approaches—from the simple to the complex—on learning about Political candidates. Two datasets are used in this inquiry: (1) geo-coded Political Advertising time-buy data, and (2) a national panel study concerning patterns of media consumption and levels of Political knowledge. We conclude that many traditional methods of assessing exposure are flawed. Fortunately, there is a relatively simple measure that predicts knowledge about information featured in ads. This measure involves combining a tally of the volume of advertisements aired in a market with a small number of survey questions about the television viewing habits of geo-coded respondents.
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campaign Advertising and voter turnout new evidence for a stimulation effect
The Journal of Politics, 2002Co-Authors: Kenneth M Goldstein, Paul FreedmanAbstract:Recent controversy over campaign Advertising has focused on the effects of negative ads on voters. Proponents of the demobilization hypothesis have argued that negative ads turn off voters and shrink the size of the electorate. We argue that negative campaign charges are just as likely to engage potential voters, leading to a stimulation effect when it comes to turnout. Drawing on a new source of ad-tracking data from the 1996 presidential election, combined with the 1996 National Election Study, we generate estimates of the probability that voters were exposed to positive and negative Political Advertising. With this new, more precise approach, we find unambiguous evidence that exposure to negative campaign ads actually stimulates voter turnout.
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lessons learned campaign Advertising in the 2000 elections
Political Communication, 2002Co-Authors: Kenneth M Goldstein, Paul FreedmanAbstract:Television Advertising is a key element of contemporary Political campaigns. Until now, however, scholars have been able to say relatively little about the distribution and impact of television ads, primarily because comprehensive data on Advertising have not been available. In this article, we introduce a new source of tracking information for Political Advertising, with information on close to 1 million Political ads broadcast during the 2000 election. These data include the time, station, and show on which each individual spot aired; the ad's sponsor; the length of the spot; and an estimate of the cost of the commercial. We use these data to describe the content, tone, timing, sponsorship, and geographic targeting of Advertising in the 2000 election with special attention paid to the presidential general election campaign. We then derive a series of lessons about campaign Advertising and identify a number of directions for future research.
Maxwell Mccombs - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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agenda setting and Political Advertising origins of the news agenda
Political Communication, 1994Co-Authors: Marilyn S Roberts, Maxwell MccombsAbstract:The number of potential sources shaping the media's agenda is large, ranging from external sources in government and the private sector to the idiosyncrasies of individual journalists. The focus in this study is intermedia agenda setting. Commonly defined in terms of the influence that the news agendas of different news organizations have on each other, the concept of intermedia agenda setting is expanded to include another key element of mass communication: Advertising. Advertising agendas occasionally have been examined as an influence on the public agenda, an alternative test of the basic, agenda‐setting hypothesis. Here, however, the Advertising agenda established by Political candidates through their television Political commercials is added to the model of the agenda‐setting process to answer more fully the question, who sets the media's agenda? The study examines the direction of influence or intermedia convergence of issue agendas during the 1990 Texas gubernatorial campaign. Content analysis was ...
Travis N. Ridout - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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the long term and geographically constrained effects of campaign Advertising on Political polarization and sorting
American Politics Research, 2018Co-Authors: Travis N. Ridout, Erika Franklin Fowler, Michael M Franz, Ken GoldsteinAbstract:Scholars agree that there has been an increase in polarization among Political elites, though there continues to be debate on the extent to which polarization exists among the mass public. Still, there is general agreement that the American public has become more sorted over the past two decades, a time during which Political ad volumes have increased and ads have become more negative. In this research, we explore whether there is a link between the two. We take advantage of variation in the volume and tone of Political Advertising across media markets to examine the link between Advertising and three dependent variables: issue polarization, affective polarization, and sorting. We focus on the impact of both recent ad exposure and cumulative ad exposure across several election cycles. Ultimately, we find little impact of Advertising on polarization or sorting, both overall and among subgroups of the population.
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campaigning for the bench the content of Political Advertising in judicial races
2014Co-Authors: Michael F Salamone, Orion A Yoesle, Travis N. RidoutAbstract:Since the United States Supreme Court’s decision in Republican Party of Minnesota v. White (2002), candidate running for state judicial offices have been free to engage in position-taking during their campaigns. This has led to a general concern that the floodgates have been opened for negative campaigning paid for by “special interests” – a practice many begrudgingly accept for legislative and executive races, but is considered by many observers to be inappropriate for those seeking a position as judge. Using data compiled by the Wisconsin Advertising Project and the Wesleyan Media Project, we conduct a content analysis of judicial campaign ads over the last decade. We investigate what issues candidates focus on in their ads, what factors lead to negative Advertising, and how often judicial candidates try to remain “above the fray” by not invoking Political language or positions in their ads. This research provides insight not only into the dynamics of judicial campaign Advertising, but how those dynamics differ from those in races for other offices.
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separation by television program understanding the targeting of Political Advertising in presidential elections
Political Communication, 2012Co-Authors: Travis N. Ridout, Michael M Franz, Kenneth M Goldstein, William J FeltusAbstract:Although conventional wisdom suggests that imbalanced message flows are relatively rare in presidential campaigns, this view relies on the assumption that competing campaigns allocate their Advertising similarly. In this research, we show that this assumption is false. We combine ad tracking data from the Wisconsin Advertising Project with a unique collection of survey data on the audience for various program genres. Examining Advertising in the 2000, 2004, and 2008 U.S. presidential races, we find that the Republican and Democratic candidates distributed their Advertising differently across different program genres, reaching different types of voters. A form of microtargeting has increasingly entered into the realm of Political Advertising buys. We find that who sees certain Political ads is more nonrandom than scholars had previously thought, and we find that unbalanced message flows (a precondition for ad persuasion) are more prevalent than conventional wisdom has suggested.
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Political Advertising and persuasion in the 2004 and 2008 presidential elections
American Politics Research, 2010Co-Authors: Michael M Franz, Travis N. RidoutAbstract:The 2008 presidential election was historic in many respects. The campaign included the first African American major-party candidate, and neither candidate was an incumbent president or vice presid...
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local television and newspaper coverage of Political Advertising
Political Communication, 2009Co-Authors: Erika Franklin Fowler, Travis N. RidoutAbstract:How often do the news media cover the Advertising of Political candidates? And how do the characteristics of the news outlet, the media market, the race, and the advertisements themselves influence the extent to which this ad amplification takes place? Examining Senate and gubernatorial campaign coverage by several newspapers and local television stations in five midwestern states in 2006, we find that coverage of Advertising is quite extensive, most of it is low quality, and its volume depends both on the size of the market and the tone of the spots aired. Surprisingly, however, television stations were not more likely than newspapers to cover Advertising, though television does appear to be more sensitive to negative Advertising, consistent with our theory.
Jaeho Cho - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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the geography of Political communication effects of regional variations in campaign Advertising on citizen communication
Human Communication Research, 2011Co-Authors: Jaeho ChoAbstract:This study explores whether and how campaign-induced changes in local information environments influence citizens' everyday communication activities. The empirical analysis in this study centers on a comparison of two New Jersey media markets that showed idiosyncratic differences in the amount of Political Advertising during the 2000 presidential campaign. Results from this natural quasi-experimental design provide evidence that a respondent's media market was a significant factor for her news attention and interpersonal discussion. That is, New Jersey residents in high-ad-volume areas were more active in Political communication practices than those in low-volume areas. The findings of this study deepen our understanding of citizens' information seeking and Political conversation, both of which have long been explained by individual-level differences.