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Robert J Barro - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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determinants of economic growth a cross country empirical study
Social Science Research Network, 1996Co-Authors: Robert J BarroAbstract:Empirical findings for a panel of around 100 countries from 1960 to 1990 strongly support the general notion of conditional convergence. For a given starting level of real per capita GDP, the growth rate is enhanced by higher initial schooling and life expectancy, lower fertility, lower government consumption, better maintenance of the rule of law, lower inflation, and improvements in the terms of trade. For given values of these and other variables, growth is negatively related to the initial level of real per capita GDP. Political Freedom has only a weak effect on growth but there is some indication of a nonlinear relation. At low levels of Political rights, an expansion of these rights stimulates economic growth. However, once a moderate amount of democracy has been attained, a further expansion reduces growth. In contrast to the small effect of democracy on growth, there is a strong positive influence of the standard of living on a country's propensity to experience democracy.
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determinants of economic growth a cross country empirical study
National Bureau of Economic Research, 1996Co-Authors: Robert J BarroAbstract:Research on economic growth has exploded in the past decade. Hundreds of empirical studies on economic growth across countries have highlighted the correlation between growth and a variety of variables. Determinants of Economic Growth, based on Robert Barro's Lionel Robbins Memorial Lectures, delivered at the London School of Economics in February 1996, summarizes this important literature. The book contains three essays. The first is a survey of the research on the determinants of long-run growth through the estimation of panels of cross-country data. The second essay details the interplay between growth and Political Freedom or democracy and finds some evidence of a nonlinear relationship. At low levels of Political rights, an expansion of rights stimulates growth; however, once a moderate level of democracy has been obtained, a further expansion of rights reduces growth. The final essay looks at the connection between inflation and economic growth. Its basic finding is that higher inflation goes along with a lower rate of economic growth.
James L. Gibson - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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being free in obama s america racial differences in perceptions of constraints on Political action
Daedalus, 2012Co-Authors: James L. GibsonAbstract:Many studies of interracial differences in rates of Political participation pay too little attention to African Americans' perceptions of whether they can freely participate in politics. Survey evidence collected over the last several decades has consistently shown that black Americans perceive much less Political Freedom available to them than do white Americans. The gap in perceived Freedom has narrowed somewhat in recent years but remains large. Following the empowerment hypothesis of Lawrence Bobo and Franklin Gilliam, black perceptions of Freedom increased with the election of Barack Obama to the American presidency. But perhaps unexpectedly, the empowerment bonus has not persisted, especially among conservative and fundamentalist blacks. Because African Americans do not perceive that their government would permit various types of Political action, it is likely that substantial interracial differences exist in non-voting types of Political participation, especially Political action directed against g...
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intolerance and Political repression in the united states a half century after mccarthyism
American Journal of Political Science, 2008Co-Authors: James L. GibsonAbstract:What consequences for Political Freedom arise from high levels of Political intolerance among the American public? Comparing surveys from 1954 to 2005, I document the level of perceived Freedom today and consider how it has changed since the McCarthy era. Levels of intolerance today and in 1954 are also compared. Next assessed is whether restrictions on Freedom are uniformly perceived or whether some subsections of the population are more likely to feel repressed than others. I find that while intolerance may have declined somewhat since 1954, perceived constraints on individual Freedom have actually increased. These findings produce telling consequences for the subtheory of pluralistic intolerance. During McCarthyism, intolerance focused on the Left; today, many groups are not tolerated, so the loss of Freedom is more widespread. Heretofore, many thought that pluralistic intolerance tended to be benign. At least in the case of the contemporary United States, it seems not to be.
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the Political Freedom of african americans a contextual analysis of racial attitudes Political tolerance and individual liberty
Political Geography, 1995Co-Authors: James L. GibsonAbstract:Abstract The general hypothesis of this research is that community values are connected to individual perceptions of their Political Freedom. Focusing on a survey of African-Americans, the ways in which majorities coerce and constrain minorities are analyzed. In particular, it is hypothesized that where communities are more racist, and more tolerant of racists, Blacks will perceive less Freedom. The analysis takes advantage of a decade of surveys conducted by the General Social Surveys in developing measures of the degree of tolerance and racism in local communities, and then relates those measures to individual-level perceptions of Freedom. A variety of contextual hypotheses is tested. The data indicate that anti-Black sentiment in the community does limit the Freedom of African-Americans. What is more important, Political tolerance in the community, even if it is tolerance of racists, contributes to both Black and White Political Freedom. Environments in which all ideas, even those that are repugnant and pernicious, can be expressed openly seem to create the conditions for individuals to express their Political preferences.
Ricardo Corrêa De ,araujo - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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A superação da concepção liberal de liberdade em Hannah Arendt
Universidade Federal do Recôncavo da Bahia, 2020Co-Authors: Santos, Edson Kretle, Ricardo Corrêa De ,araujoAbstract:This article intends to confront two notions about the notion of liberty, central theme on Political Philosophy. On one side, we‘ll start on some observations of Political liberalism, where in the first moment, we’ll explore the book “Two Concepts of Liberty” by Isaiah Berlin. To this author the negative liberty - “being free of” and, not the positive liberty - “being free to”, should be the biggest worry of Political bodies, that is, the State must exist to avoid that individual liberty is reduced by the own state interference or other subjects. Meeting this idea, and anchored in Arendt, we want to sustain that one of the big problems about Political liberalism is the not action (negative liberty), that is, the lack of participation from the citizens on subjects and on Political decisions. Showing this, we will defend in Arendt the central role of positive liberty (Political Freedom) of action and speak, and, thereafter, the possibility of a civic republicanism as an alternative to the isolation and the Political apathy conceived by the bourgeois liberty, since, to Arendt, Berlin’s bet and the liberal tradition are unsatisfying to think the events of contemporary politics.Este artigo pretende confrontar duas noções acerca da noção de liberdade, temática central na Filosofia Política. De um lado, partiremos de algumas reflexões do liberalismo político, onde no primeiro momento, exploraremos a obra Dois Conceitos de Liberdade (Two Concepts of Liberty), de Isaiah Berlin. Para esse autor a liberdade negativa (negative liberty - “estar livre de”) e, não a liberdade positiva (positive liberty - “estar livre para”), deve ser a maior preocupação dos corpos políticos, ou seja, o Estado deve existir para evitar que a liberdade individual seja reduzida pela própria interferência do Estado ou de outros sujeitos. De encontro a essa ideia, e ancorados em Arendt, desejamos sustentar que um dos grandes problemas do liberalismo político é a não ação (negative liberty), isto é, a falta de participação do cidadão nos assuntos e nas decisões políticas. Ao mostrar isso, defenderemos em Arendt o papel central da liberdade positiva (Political Freedom) da ação e da fala, e, consequentemente, a possibilidade de um republicanismo cívico como alternativa ao isolamento e apatia políticas gestados pela liberdade burguesa, uma vez que, para Arendt, a aposta de Berlin e da tradição liberal são insuficientes para pensarmos os acontecimentos da política contemporânea. Palavras-chave: Política; Liberdade; Liberalismo; Cidadania; Arendt
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A superação da concepção liberal de liberdade em Hannah Arendt
'Griot Revista de Filosofia', 2020Co-Authors: Santos, Edson Kretle, Ricardo Corrêa De ,araujoAbstract:This article intends to confront two notions about the notion of liberty, central theme on Political Philosophy. On one side, we‘ll start on some observations of Political liberalism, where in the first moment, we’ll explore the book "Two Concepts of Liberty" by Isaiah Berlin. To this author the negative liberty - "being free of" and, not the positive liberty - "being free to", should be the biggest worry of Political bodies, that is, the State must exist to avoid that individual liberty is reduced by the own state interference or other subjects. Meeting this idea, and anchored in Arendt, we want to sustain that one of the big problems about Political liberalism is the not action (negative liberty), that is, the lack of participation from the citizens on subjects and on Political decisions. Showing this, we will defend in Arendt the central role of positive liberty (Political Freedom) of action and speak, and, thereafter, the possibility of a civic republicanism as an alternative to the isolation and the Political apathy conceived by the bourgeois liberty, since, to Arendt, Berlin's bet and the liberal tradition are unsatisfying to think the events of contemporary politics
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A superação da concepção liberal de liberdade em Hannah Arendt: Array
'Griot Revista de Filosofia', 2020Co-Authors: Santos, Edson Kretle, Ricardo Corrêa De ,araujoAbstract:This article intends to confront two notions about the notion of liberty, central theme on Political Philosophy. On one side, we‘ll start on some observations of Political liberalism, where in the first moment, we’ll explore the book “Two Concepts of Liberty” by Isaiah Berlin. To this author the negative liberty - “being free of” and, not the positive liberty - “being free to”, should be the biggest worry of Political bodies, that is, the State must exist to avoid that individual liberty is reduced by the own state interference or other subjects. Meeting this idea, and anchored in Arendt, we want to sustain that one of the big problems about Political liberalism is the not action (negative liberty), that is, the lack of participation from the citizens on subjects and on Political decisions. Showing this, we will defend in Arendt the central role of positive liberty (Political Freedom) of action and speak, and, thereafter, the possibility of a civic republicanism as an alternative to the isolation and the Political apathy conceived by the bourgeois liberty, since, to Arendt, Berlin’s bet and the liberal tradition are unsatisfying to think the events of contemporary politics.Este artigo pretende confrontar duas noções acerca da noção de liberdade, temática central na Filosofia Política. De um lado, partiremos de algumas reflexões do liberalismo político, onde no primeiro momento, exploraremos a obra Dois Conceitos de Liberdade (Two Concepts of Liberty), de Isaiah Berlin. Para esse autor a liberdade negativa (negative liberty - “estar livre de”) e, não a liberdade positiva (positive liberty - “estar livre para”), deve ser a maior preocupação dos corpos políticos, ou seja, o Estado deve existir para evitar que a liberdade individual seja reduzida pela própria interferência do Estado ou de outros sujeitos. De encontro a essa ideia, e ancorados em Arendt, desejamos sustentar que um dos grandes problemas do liberalismo político é a não ação (negative liberty), isto é, a falta de participação do cidadão nos assuntos e nas decisões políticas. Ao mostrar isso, defenderemos em Arendt o papel central da liberdade positiva (Political Freedom) da ação e da fala, e, consequentemente, a possibilidade de um republicanismo cívico como alternativa ao isolamento e apatia políticas gestados pela liberdade burguesa, uma vez que, para Arendt, a aposta de Berlin e da tradição liberal são insuficientes para pensarmos os acontecimentos da política contemporânea. Palavras-chave: Política; Liberdade; Liberalismo; Cidadania; Arendt
Santos, Edson Kretle - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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A superação da concepção liberal de liberdade em Hannah Arendt
Universidade Federal do Recôncavo da Bahia, 2020Co-Authors: Santos, Edson Kretle, Ricardo Corrêa De ,araujoAbstract:This article intends to confront two notions about the notion of liberty, central theme on Political Philosophy. On one side, we‘ll start on some observations of Political liberalism, where in the first moment, we’ll explore the book “Two Concepts of Liberty” by Isaiah Berlin. To this author the negative liberty - “being free of” and, not the positive liberty - “being free to”, should be the biggest worry of Political bodies, that is, the State must exist to avoid that individual liberty is reduced by the own state interference or other subjects. Meeting this idea, and anchored in Arendt, we want to sustain that one of the big problems about Political liberalism is the not action (negative liberty), that is, the lack of participation from the citizens on subjects and on Political decisions. Showing this, we will defend in Arendt the central role of positive liberty (Political Freedom) of action and speak, and, thereafter, the possibility of a civic republicanism as an alternative to the isolation and the Political apathy conceived by the bourgeois liberty, since, to Arendt, Berlin’s bet and the liberal tradition are unsatisfying to think the events of contemporary politics.Este artigo pretende confrontar duas noções acerca da noção de liberdade, temática central na Filosofia Política. De um lado, partiremos de algumas reflexões do liberalismo político, onde no primeiro momento, exploraremos a obra Dois Conceitos de Liberdade (Two Concepts of Liberty), de Isaiah Berlin. Para esse autor a liberdade negativa (negative liberty - “estar livre de”) e, não a liberdade positiva (positive liberty - “estar livre para”), deve ser a maior preocupação dos corpos políticos, ou seja, o Estado deve existir para evitar que a liberdade individual seja reduzida pela própria interferência do Estado ou de outros sujeitos. De encontro a essa ideia, e ancorados em Arendt, desejamos sustentar que um dos grandes problemas do liberalismo político é a não ação (negative liberty), isto é, a falta de participação do cidadão nos assuntos e nas decisões políticas. Ao mostrar isso, defenderemos em Arendt o papel central da liberdade positiva (Political Freedom) da ação e da fala, e, consequentemente, a possibilidade de um republicanismo cívico como alternativa ao isolamento e apatia políticas gestados pela liberdade burguesa, uma vez que, para Arendt, a aposta de Berlin e da tradição liberal são insuficientes para pensarmos os acontecimentos da política contemporânea. Palavras-chave: Política; Liberdade; Liberalismo; Cidadania; Arendt
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A superação da concepção liberal de liberdade em Hannah Arendt
'Griot Revista de Filosofia', 2020Co-Authors: Santos, Edson Kretle, Ricardo Corrêa De ,araujoAbstract:This article intends to confront two notions about the notion of liberty, central theme on Political Philosophy. On one side, we‘ll start on some observations of Political liberalism, where in the first moment, we’ll explore the book "Two Concepts of Liberty" by Isaiah Berlin. To this author the negative liberty - "being free of" and, not the positive liberty - "being free to", should be the biggest worry of Political bodies, that is, the State must exist to avoid that individual liberty is reduced by the own state interference or other subjects. Meeting this idea, and anchored in Arendt, we want to sustain that one of the big problems about Political liberalism is the not action (negative liberty), that is, the lack of participation from the citizens on subjects and on Political decisions. Showing this, we will defend in Arendt the central role of positive liberty (Political Freedom) of action and speak, and, thereafter, the possibility of a civic republicanism as an alternative to the isolation and the Political apathy conceived by the bourgeois liberty, since, to Arendt, Berlin's bet and the liberal tradition are unsatisfying to think the events of contemporary politics
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A superação da concepção liberal de liberdade em Hannah Arendt: Array
'Griot Revista de Filosofia', 2020Co-Authors: Santos, Edson Kretle, Ricardo Corrêa De ,araujoAbstract:This article intends to confront two notions about the notion of liberty, central theme on Political Philosophy. On one side, we‘ll start on some observations of Political liberalism, where in the first moment, we’ll explore the book “Two Concepts of Liberty” by Isaiah Berlin. To this author the negative liberty - “being free of” and, not the positive liberty - “being free to”, should be the biggest worry of Political bodies, that is, the State must exist to avoid that individual liberty is reduced by the own state interference or other subjects. Meeting this idea, and anchored in Arendt, we want to sustain that one of the big problems about Political liberalism is the not action (negative liberty), that is, the lack of participation from the citizens on subjects and on Political decisions. Showing this, we will defend in Arendt the central role of positive liberty (Political Freedom) of action and speak, and, thereafter, the possibility of a civic republicanism as an alternative to the isolation and the Political apathy conceived by the bourgeois liberty, since, to Arendt, Berlin’s bet and the liberal tradition are unsatisfying to think the events of contemporary politics.Este artigo pretende confrontar duas noções acerca da noção de liberdade, temática central na Filosofia Política. De um lado, partiremos de algumas reflexões do liberalismo político, onde no primeiro momento, exploraremos a obra Dois Conceitos de Liberdade (Two Concepts of Liberty), de Isaiah Berlin. Para esse autor a liberdade negativa (negative liberty - “estar livre de”) e, não a liberdade positiva (positive liberty - “estar livre para”), deve ser a maior preocupação dos corpos políticos, ou seja, o Estado deve existir para evitar que a liberdade individual seja reduzida pela própria interferência do Estado ou de outros sujeitos. De encontro a essa ideia, e ancorados em Arendt, desejamos sustentar que um dos grandes problemas do liberalismo político é a não ação (negative liberty), isto é, a falta de participação do cidadão nos assuntos e nas decisões políticas. Ao mostrar isso, defenderemos em Arendt o papel central da liberdade positiva (Political Freedom) da ação e da fala, e, consequentemente, a possibilidade de um republicanismo cívico como alternativa ao isolamento e apatia políticas gestados pela liberdade burguesa, uma vez que, para Arendt, a aposta de Berlin e da tradição liberal são insuficientes para pensarmos os acontecimentos da política contemporânea. Palavras-chave: Política; Liberdade; Liberalismo; Cidadania; Arendt
Clarissa Rile Hayward - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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what can Political Freedom mean in a multicultural democracy on deliberation difference and democratic governance
Political Theory, 2011Co-Authors: Clarissa Rile HaywardAbstract:This essay takes as its starting point an apparent tension between theories of democratic deliberation and democratic theories of multicultural accom- modation and makes the case that many multiculturalists and deliberative democrats converge on an ideal of Political Freedom, understood as non- domination. It argues for distinguishing two dimensions of nondomination: inter-agentive nondomination, which obtains when all participants in a power relation are free from rule by others who can set its terms, and systemic nondomination, which obtains when the terms of a power relation itself are responsive to those they affect. Because inter-agentive and systemic non- domination do not covary, it is critical to distinguish between them, in order to build institutions and practices that promote both.