The Experts below are selected from a list of 291 Experts worldwide ranked by ideXlab platform
James L. Gibson - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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intolerance and Political Repression in the united states a half century after mccarthyism
American Journal of Political Science, 2008Co-Authors: James L. GibsonAbstract:What consequences for Political freedom arise from high levels of Political intolerance among the American public? Comparing surveys from 1954 to 2005, I document the level of perceived freedom today and consider how it has changed since the McCarthy era. Levels of intolerance today and in 1954 are also compared. Next assessed is whether restrictions on freedom are uniformly perceived or whether some subsections of the population are more likely to feel repressed than others. I find that while intolerance may have declined somewhat since 1954, perceived constraints on individual freedom have actually increased. These findings produce telling consequences for the subtheory of pluralistic intolerance. During McCarthyism, intolerance focused on the Left; today, many groups are not tolerated, so the loss of freedom is more widespread. Heretofore, many thought that pluralistic intolerance tended to be benign. At least in the case of the contemporary United States, it seems not to be.
Cayetano Fernández-sola - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Female sexuality during an era of Political Repression in Spain. A qualitative study on the survivors of Francoism
Women's Studies International Forum, 2020Co-Authors: María Toledano-sierra, María Dolores Ruiz-fernández, José Manuel Hernández-padilla, José Granero-molina, María Ángeles Pomares-callejón, María Del Mar Jiménez-lasserrotte, Cayetano Fernández-solaAbstract:Abstract Sexual Repression during Franco's dictatorship in Spain (1939–1975) seriously affected women of the era. The aim of this study was to explore, describe and understand women's experiences regarding sexuality during the era of Francoist Repression. A qualitative study was designed based on Gadamer's hermeneutic phenomenology. Ten in-depth interviews and a focus group session with four participants were carried out. All participants were women who had been sexually active during the Franco era. An inductive strategy was used in the data analysis in search of emerging themes. The following themes emerged: 1. ‘The environment of Francoist Repression: The regime permeates sexuality’. 2. ‘Repressive practices and heteronormativity: from sexual/reproductive slavery to homophobia’. 3. ‘Sex education: sociocultural consequences of Francoist Repression’. Social and Political Repression have been a heavy burden on Spanish women for decades, imposing upon them a strict morality that profoundly affected their beliefs and dignity as well as their emotional and sexual lives. The long-lasting effects of the historical period in which they lived extend to the present. Women brought up during Francoism, who were not able to change their social attitudes, continue to show rejection of homosexuality or sexual intercourse for pleasure and also have difficulty in re-building their love lives with their partners.
Khalid Rashid Alkhater - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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THE RENTIER PREDATORY STATE HYPOTHESIS: AN EMPIRICAL EXPLANATION OF THE RESOURCE CURSE
Journal of Economic Development, 2012Co-Authors: Khalid Rashid AlkhaterAbstract:This paper introduces an empirical growth model that explains the perplexing observed growth resource regime dubbed the resource curse. The main hypothesis advanced in this paper, the rentier predatory state hypothesis, holds that under autocracy, the interaction between Political power and resource abundance is expected to lead to poor economic outcomes in the long run. In the empirical model, resource abundance is allowed to interact with Political Repression to generate a negative impact on economic growth. Depending on the extent of the Repression, a state dependent on natural resources (a rentier state) can also become a predatory state, i.e., a rentier predatory state, or, in other words, a rentier state with a high rate of Political Repression. The resulting net effect of resource abundance on economic growth is contingent on the extent of the Repression, and a resource-abundant state with a sufficiently high rate of Political Repression will have negative economic growth, while a state with a low to moderate rate of Political Repression will have positive economic growth.
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The Rentier Predatory State: An Empirical Investigation of the 'Resource Curse'
SSRN Electronic Journal, 2009Co-Authors: Khalid Rashid AlkhaterAbstract:This paper introduces an empirical growth model that explains the observed perplexing growth-resource regime, dubbed the resource curse. The main hypothesis introduced here, the rentier predatory state hypothesis, holds that under autocracy, the interaction between Political power and resource abundance is expected to lead to poor economic outcomes in long run. In the empirical model, resource abundance is allowed to interact with Political Repression to generate a negative impact on economic growth. Depending on the extent of the Political Repression, a state dependent on natural resources (a rentier state) can also become a predatory state, i.e., a rentier predatory state, or, in other words, a rentier state with high rate of Political Repression. The resulting net effect from natural resource abundance on economic growth is contingent on the extent of the Repression, and a resource abundant state with a sufficiently high rate of Political Repression will have negative economic growth, while a state with low to moderate rate of Political Repression will have positive economic growth.
Melanie J Ilic - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Remembering the Victims of Political Repression: the Purges in Mordoviya
Stalin's Terror Revisited, 2006Co-Authors: Melanie J Ilic, Christopher JoyceAbstract:Since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, there has been a renewal of interest in historical research and a significant growth in publication about the purges, and Stalinist Political Repression more broadly, both in Russia and in the west. In recent years, the focus of some of this research has moved away from the ‘high politics’ of the Stalinist leadership in Moscow and the relationship between the central state authorities and regional party bosses.1 Aided by the publication of extensive listings of the names of those caught up in the whirlwind of Political Repression in the 1930s in the various ‘books of martyrs’, we are now able to examine more closely the extent and impact of the terror in its various forms in different regions of the Soviet Union, and to offer a more detailed analysis of the social background of its victims.
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Stalin's terror revisited
2006Co-Authors: Melanie J IlicAbstract:Melanie Ilic, ‘The Forgotten Five Per Cent: Women, Political Repression and the Purges’ (in Stalin’s Terror Revisited) In her study of Daughters of Revolution, Barbara Clements, writing in the early 1990s, correctly pointed out that: As yet there are no systematic studies of how the Political persecutions of the Stalin years affected women as a distinct group, but it appears that this Terror was primarily a slaughter of men by men, in which women became involved largely by their proximity to men swept up in it. Over a decade later, the first part of this declaration still remains the case. Since 1991 there has been much interest in investigating the mechanics of, and the motivations behind, the ‘Great Terror’, but we are only now coming to a more detailed study of its victims. We also have available a considerable amount of literature concerning women and the Gulag, arising from both detailed archival investigation into the Soviet forced labour system and oral history projects amongst survivors of the camp network. Yet our knowledge of women’s direct experiences of the Great Terror, and of the broader waves of Political Repression under Stalin, remains extremely sketchy. This chapter aims to fill the gap in the literature and historiography of Soviet Political Repression and the purges by offering an examination of the evidence currently available. This chapter also examines a sample of evidence to test the commonly held assumption that the female victims of the purges were predominantly the wives and other relatives of men who were arrested and executed. Particular reference is made to the social and demographic profiles of women who were executed during the years of the Great Terror in 1937 and 1938. Melanie Ilic and Christopher Joyce, ‘Remembering the Victims of Political Repression: the Purges in Mordoviya’ (in Stalin’s Terror Revisited) Since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, there has been a renewal of interest in historical research and a significant growth in publication about the purges, and Stalinist Political Repression more broadly, both in Russia and in the west. In recent years, the focus of some of this research has moved away from the ‘high politics’ of the Stalinist leadership in Moscow and the relationship between the central state authorities and regional party bosses. Aided by the publication of extensive listings of the names of those caught up in the whirlwind of Political Repression in the 1930s in the various ‘books of martyrs’, we are now able to examine more closely the extent and impact of the terror in its various forms in different regions of the Soviet Union, and to offer a more detailed analysis of the social background of its victims. Even here, though, published research has so far concentrated on what may be considered to have been the more important Political and economic regions of the Soviet Union, most notably Moscow and Leningrad, where, from a western perspective, the terror was more easily observed. We remain comparatively less well informed about the extent and impact of Political Repression in other regions of the country. This article seeks to redress this imbalance by offering a preliminary analysis of Political Repression in the Republic of Mordoviya.
María Toledano-sierra - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Female sexuality during an era of Political Repression in Spain. A qualitative study on the survivors of Francoism
Women's Studies International Forum, 2020Co-Authors: María Toledano-sierra, María Dolores Ruiz-fernández, José Manuel Hernández-padilla, José Granero-molina, María Ángeles Pomares-callejón, María Del Mar Jiménez-lasserrotte, Cayetano Fernández-solaAbstract:Abstract Sexual Repression during Franco's dictatorship in Spain (1939–1975) seriously affected women of the era. The aim of this study was to explore, describe and understand women's experiences regarding sexuality during the era of Francoist Repression. A qualitative study was designed based on Gadamer's hermeneutic phenomenology. Ten in-depth interviews and a focus group session with four participants were carried out. All participants were women who had been sexually active during the Franco era. An inductive strategy was used in the data analysis in search of emerging themes. The following themes emerged: 1. ‘The environment of Francoist Repression: The regime permeates sexuality’. 2. ‘Repressive practices and heteronormativity: from sexual/reproductive slavery to homophobia’. 3. ‘Sex education: sociocultural consequences of Francoist Repression’. Social and Political Repression have been a heavy burden on Spanish women for decades, imposing upon them a strict morality that profoundly affected their beliefs and dignity as well as their emotional and sexual lives. The long-lasting effects of the historical period in which they lived extend to the present. Women brought up during Francoism, who were not able to change their social attitudes, continue to show rejection of homosexuality or sexual intercourse for pleasure and also have difficulty in re-building their love lives with their partners.