The Experts below are selected from a list of 184632 Experts worldwide ranked by ideXlab platform
Ritchie Robertson - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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‘Verdammte Staats-Klugheit / die Treu und Bund heist brechen!’ Reason of State in Lohenstein’s Cleopatra:
Journal of European Studies, 2020Co-Authors: Ritchie RobertsonAbstract:Although the tragedies of Daniel Casper von Lohenstein (1635–83) are nowadays known mainly to specialists in the Baroque, they amply repay attention. Set in the ancient world or the modern Ottoman ...
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verdammte staats klugheit die treu und bund heist brechen Reason of State in lohenstein s cleopatra
Journal of European Studies, 2020Co-Authors: Ritchie RobertsonAbstract:Although the tragedies of Daniel Casper von Lohenstein (1635–83) are nowadays known mainly to specialists in the Baroque, they amply repay attention. Set in the ancient world or the modern Ottoman ...
Harro Hopfl - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Reason of State
Encyclopedia of Medieval Philosophy, 2011Co-Authors: Sander Boer, Harro Hopfl, Alfonso Maierù, Josep Maria Ruiz Simon, Christophe Erismann, Teresa Rupp, Egbert Bos, Laurent Cesalli, R James Long, Stephen E. LaheyAbstract:A term of art, originally Italian, becoming common usage in other European vernaculars in the late sixteenth century. It meant practical reflection, albeit in writing and general in form, about all aspects of Statecraft (Reason = Reasoning, discussing, considering, but also a ground or justification for acting; State = government, the prince’s position, the institutional order of a “commonwealth” or “principality”). It claimed practical usefulness in virtue of its grounding in experience and history, contrasting itself with “mirrors of princes,” which were supposedly ignorant of the realities of politics. More narrowly, Reason of State meant a “Machiavellian” disregard for legal, moral, and religious considerations when the “interests of the State” or “necessity” required it. Particularly contentious were the justifiability of dishonesty, duplicity, breach of faith and even treaty obligations, violence against opponents and competitors, illegal taxation, disregard of the claims of traditional institutions and officeholders, and the practice of religious toleration. Opponents of “Reason of State” attempted to demonstrate that, on the contrary, adherence to religion, morality, and legality was the best policy, in that it earned providential rewards, but also that in strictly pragmatic terms it was most likely to bring political success. However, these proponents of “true Reason of State” acknowledged that strict adherence to these norms was sometimes impossible, and when it was, Statesmen must attempt to avoid the greater evil. Having become the subject of a vast literature and even a standard university topic, Reason of State faded as an issue in the later seventeenth century. Realpolitik from the nineteenth century onwards resembles it, with the State representing a morality superior to the norms of legality and private morality, a view in turn contested by advocates of human rights and international morality
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Thomas Fitzherbert's Reason of State
History of European Ideas, 2011Co-Authors: Harro HopflAbstract:Thomas Fitzherbert's two-part Treatise concerning Policy and Religion (1606, 1610) was a rebuttal of unidentified Machiavellians, statists or politikes and their politics and policies. The work was apparently still well-regarded in the following century. Fitzherbert's objections to ‘statism’ were principally religious, and he himself thought the providentialist case against it unanswerable. But for those who did not share his convictions, he attempted to undermine Machiavellism on its own ground. Like both ‘Machiavellians’ and their opponents, he argued by inference from historical examples, but with a particularly copious knowledge of historians ancient, medieval and modern to draw on. Equally, however, he deployed the principles of speculative (principally Aristotelian) ‘political science,’ as well as theology and jurisprudence, to demonstrate that the kind of knowledge that Machiavellians required to guarantee the success of their ‘Reason of State’ policies was simply unobtainable. A particularly striking strategy (perhaps modelled on that of his mentor and friend Robert Persons) was Fitzherbert's attempt to demonstrate, on the Machiavellians’ own premises, that they advocated policies which were very likely to fail, and would be visited with divine punishments sooner as well as later, whereas policies that were compatible with faith and morals were also much more likely to succeed, even judged in purely human and ‘statist’ terms.
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jesuit political thought the society of jesus and the State c 1540 1630
The Eighteenth Century, 2004Co-Authors: Harro HopflAbstract:Introduction 1. The character and work of the society of Jesus 2. The society's organizational ideas 3. The church, the society and heresy 4. Jesuit Reason of State and religious uniformity 5. Jesuit Reason of State and Fides 6. Reason of State, prudence and the academic curriculum 7. The theory of political authority 8. Limited government, compacts and the States of nature 9. The theory of law 10. The common good and individual rights 11. Tyrannicide, the oath of allegiance controversy and the assassination of Henri IV 12. The Papal Potestas Indirecta.
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Jesuit Political Thought: The Society of Jesus and the State, c.1540–1630 - Jesuit political thought : the society of Jesus and the State, c. 1540-1630
2004Co-Authors: Harro HopflAbstract:Introduction 1. The character and work of the society of Jesus 2. The society's organizational ideas 3. The church, the society and heresy 4. Jesuit Reason of State and religious uniformity 5. Jesuit Reason of State and Fides 6. Reason of State, prudence and the academic curriculum 7. The theory of political authority 8. Limited government, compacts and the States of nature 9. The theory of law 10. The common good and individual rights 11. Tyrannicide, the oath of allegiance controversy and the assassination of Henri IV 12. The Papal Potestas Indirecta.
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Orthodoxy and Reason of State
History of Political Thought, 2002Co-Authors: Harro HopflAbstract:In the later sixteenth century, 'Reason of State' was a vogue term in practical discourse, not a theory-backed concept. In order to cope with what they thought it designated, orthodox Catholic and Protestant thinkers had first to construct a coherent identity for it. In doing so, they also conflated it with 'Machiavellism' and the politiques. 'Reason of State' thereby acquired theorization and canonical authors. This essay seeks to show that defenders of Catholic religious and moral orthodoxy, notably Jesuit writers, did not find Reason of State wholly repellent or intractable, but on the contrary largely domesticated, and appropriated, it.
Vera Keller - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Mining Tacitus: Secrets of Empire, Nature and Art in the Reason of State
The British Journal for the History of Science, 2012Co-Authors: Vera KellerAbstract:A new political practice, the 'Reason of State', informed the ends and practices of natural study in the late sixteenth century. Informed by the study of the Roman historian Tacitus, political writers gathered 'secrets of empire' from both history and travel. Following the economic reorientation of 'Reason of State' by Giovanni Botero (1544-1617), such secrets came to include bodies of useful particulars concerning nature and art collected by an expanding personnel of intelligencers. A comparison between various writers describing wide-scale collections, such as Botero, Francis Bacon (1561-1626), Jakob Bornitz (1560-1625) and Matthias Bernegger (1582-1640), reveals that seventeenth-century natural intelligencers across Europe not only were analogous to political intelligencers, but also were sometimes one and the same. Those seeking political prudence cast themselves as miners, prying precious particulars from the recesses of history, experience and disparate disciplines, including mathematics, alchemy and natural philosophy. The seventeenth-century practice of combining searches for secrets of empire, nature and art contests a frequent historiographical divide between empirical science and Tacitism or Reason of State. It also points to the ways political cunning shaped the management of information for both politics and the study of nature and art.
Félix Tréguer - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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The Reason of State, Surveillance & Radical Democracy
2019Co-Authors: Félix TréguerAbstract:This discussion paper was presented during an internal seminar of the GUARDINT Project. GUARDINT is a research project focused on the democratic oversight of intelligence agencies, and in particular of their surveillance activities. At the heart of our work is a tension between democratic values of publicity and transparency, and the rationalities of the Reason of State and attached practices like secrecy. The goal of this discussion paper is to bring to light this tension and mobilize political theories on which to ground our joint work and our conceptualization of oversight and democracy.
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the Reason of State surveillance radical democracy
2019Co-Authors: Félix TréguerAbstract:This discussion paper was presented during an internal seminar of the GUARDINT Project. GUARDINT is a research project focused on the democratic oversight of intelligence agencies, and in particular of their surveillance activities. At the heart of our work is a tension between democratic values of publicity and transparency, and the rationalities of the Reason of State and attached practices like secrecy. The goal of this discussion paper is to bring to light this tension and mobilize political theories on which to ground our joint work and our conceptualization of oversight and democracy.
David Armitage - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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and Reason of State
2000Co-Authors: David ArmitageAbstract:Edmund Burke has been one of the few political thinkers to be treated seri- ously by international theorists. According to Martin Wight, one of the founders of the so-called "English School" of international theory, Burke was "(t)he only political philosopher who has turned wholly from political theory to interna- tional theory."2 The resurgence of interest in Burke as an international theorist has not, however, generated any consensus about how he might be classified within the traditions of international theory. Wight variously divided thinkers into trichotomous schools of Realists, Rationalists, and Revolutionaries, Ma- chiavellians, Grotians, and Kantians, or theorists of international anarchy, ha- bitual intercourse, or moral solidarity;3 more recent international theorists have refined or supplemented these categories to construct similar trinitarian tradi- tions of Realism, Liberalism, and Socialism, and of Empirical Realism, Univer- sal Moral Order, and Historical Reason.4 Burke's place within any of these tra- ditions remains uncertain. Debate over whether he was a realist or an idealist, a
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Edmund Burke and Reason of State
Journal of the History of Ideas, 2000Co-Authors: David ArmitageAbstract:Etude de la conception de la raison d'Etat developpee par Burke dans le cadre de sa theorie politique internationale. S'inscrivant dans la tradition moderne du droit naturel heritee de Grotius et Vattel, l'A. montre que Burke reste un defenseur de l'anglicanisme contre l'atheisme de la Revolution francaise.
