Russian Revolution

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Henry Bernstein - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

Kees Van Der Pijl - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

Martin Kragh - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

Rex A Wade - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • the Revolution at one hundred issues and trends in the english language historiography of the Russian Revolution of 1917
    Journal of Modern Russian History and Historiography, 2016
    Co-Authors: Rex A Wade
    Abstract:

    This essay tracks the evolution of English-language writing on the Russian Revolution breaking it down into three broad periods: up to the 1960s, the 1960s–1980s, and the post-Soviet era, with special stress on the latter period. It discusses trends and issues in writing on the history of the Revolution and traces changes in the focus—political history, social history, cultural history, regional and nationality history, and other themes.

  • the Russian Revolution 1917
    2000
    Co-Authors: Rex A Wade
    Abstract:

    1. The coming of the Revolution 2. The February Revolution 3. Political realignment and the new political system 4. The aspirations of Russian society 5. The peasants and the purposes of Revolution 6. The nationalities: identity and opportunity 7. The summer of discontents 8. 'All power to the Soviets' 9. The Bolsheviks take power 10. The Constituent Assembly and the purposes of power 11. Conclusions.

Orlando Figes - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • interpreting the Russian Revolution the language and symbols of 1917
    1999
    Co-Authors: Orlando Figes, B I Kolonitskiĭ
    Abstract:

    This is the first book in any language to offer a comprehensive analysis of the political culture of the Russian Revolution. Orlando Figes and Boris Kolonitskii examine the diverse ways that language and other symbols - including flags and emblems, public rituals, songs, and codes of dress - were used to identify competing sides and to create new meanings in the political struggles of 1917. The Revolution was in many ways a battle to control these systems of symbolic meaning, the authors find. The party or faction that could master the complexities of the lexicon of the Revolution was well on its way to mastering the Revolution itself. The book explores how key words and symbols took on different meanings in various social and political contexts. 'Democracy', 'the people', or 'the working class', for example, could define a wide range of identities and moral worlds in 1917. In addition to such ambiguities, cultural tensions further complicated the Revolutionary struggles. Figes and Kolonitskii consider the fundamental clash between the Western political discourse of the socialist parties and the traditional political culture of the Russian masses. They show how the particular conditions and perceptions that coloured Russian politics in 1917 led to the emergence of the cult of the Revolutionary leader and the culture of the Terror. Orlando Figes was Professor of History at Birkbeck College, London. He is the author of 'Peasant Russia', 'Civil War' and 'A People's Tragedy: The Russian Revolution 1891-1924'. Boris Kolonitskii was Senior Researcher at the Institute of History of the Academcy of Sciences in St. Petersburg.

  • the Russian Revolution of 1917 and its language in the village
    The Russian Review, 1997
    Co-Authors: Orlando Figes
    Abstract:

    r he Provisional Government was a government of persuasion. Not having been elected by the people, it depended largely on the power of the word to establish its authority. It was a government of national confidence, self-appointed during the February Revolution with the aim of steering Russia through the war-time crisis toward democracy, and as such its mandate had to a large extent to be created by propaganda, cults, and festivals, fostering consensus and national unity. There was little else the government could do, since it lacked the power to enforce its will by any other means. And yet many of its liberal leaders also saw a virtue in this necessity. They rejected the traditions of the tsarist state, emphasized the need to govern by consent, and, in the words of Prince G. E. Lvov, the prime minister, placed their faith in the "good sense, statesmanship and loyalty of the people" to uphold the new democracy. Their optimism was based on the assumption that the primary duty of the February Revolution was to educate the people in their civic rights and duties. Like the French Revolutionaries of 1789, they understood their task as nothing less than the creation of a new political nation. The peasants, above all, who made up more than three-quarters of the population, had to be transformed into active citizens. They had to be brought out of their cultural isolation and integrated into the national political culture. Upon that hung the Revolution's fate-and not just because it depended on the peasants to fulfill their civic duty by supplying foodstuffs and soldiers for the nation, but even more importantly because, as the vast majority of the electorate, it required them to vote as citizens, free from the domination of their former masters (landowners, priests, and monarchist officials), in the elections to the Constituent Assembly and the other institutions of the nascent democracy. The "darkness" of the peasants-and its inherent dangers for the Revolutionwas the constant refrain of democratic agitators in the countryside during 1917. "The

  • a people s tragedy the Russian Revolution 1891 1924
    1996
    Co-Authors: Orlando Figes
    Abstract:

    The Russian Revolution seized a backward, violent, peasant country and turned it into the world's first 'worker's state'. The cost in blood and misery is now known, but no fully modern narrative of those events is available which explains their violence, or the uncontrolled use of power to which they led. Figes has been able to exploit the newly-opened files in Moscow and other cities and to take a truly free look at these nightmare years, including the long civil war that ended in 1923.