The Experts below are selected from a list of 14502 Experts worldwide ranked by ideXlab platform
Stephen H. Gorin - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
-
nature of work and future of the social work profession
Social Work, 2001Co-Authors: Michael Reisch, Stephen H. GorinAbstract:Social work practice and education long have been influenced by trends in the U.S. economy, particularly as these trends affected patterns of employment and unemployment. This article assesses the implications of recent changes in patterns of economic production and the nature of work for the social work profession. The authors conclude with recommendations on how schools of social work can address these implications in their curricula and their relationships with the communities in which they are located. Key words: economy; inequality; unemployment; work Social work practice and education have long been influenced by developments in the broader U.S. economy, particularly as they affected such issues as employment and unemployment. A century ago, the Settlement House movement and the Charities Organization Societies emerged, in part, in response to the employment problems of immigrants and low-income residents of America's growing urban centers (Chambers, 1965; Patterson, 1994; Trolander, 1987). The early social workers who developed "welfare capitalism" as welfare secretaries in corporations and through union-based services programs addressed the workplace needs of industrial workers (Brandes, 1976; Popple, 1981; Wenocur & Reisch, 1989). The construction of the limited U.S. welfare state from the 1930s through the 1960s also reflected the central concern of social workers with the labor market, particularly its economic, social, and psychological effects (Karger, 1988; Sherraden, 1985; Straussner & Phillips, 1988). In the 21st century, social work will be sha ped by the new global economy and the growing gap between high and low wages, permanent and temporary employment (Reich, 1991; Rifkin, 1995; U.S. Department of Labor, 1995b). This article assesses the implications of two interrelated phenomena for social work practice and education. The first is the shift to what Head (1996) called "the new, ruthless economy," characterized by a growth in inequality, a shift in power from labor to capital, and a proliferation of low-wage employment. The second phenomenon is the steady reorganization and mechanization of production, which could result in the "end of work" as we know it. Rifkin (1995) argued that we are in the midst of "a third great industrial revolution" that is displacing millions of workers and eliminating or changing "whole job categories." The end of work raises the possibility, and perhaps the necessity, of reducing the workweek, separating the concept of income from work, and introducing a guaranteed annual income. In a world without work, reconstruction of the social infrastructure could become a central focus of human activity. This, in turn, could enhance the role of volunteerism and private, nonprofit institutions by paying a "social wage for community service" (Rifkin, 1995, P. 258). This idea, which expands on programs already underway, such as AmeriCorps and VISTA raises profound challenges for social workers. We analyze the key features of the "new economy" and the issues raised for policy, practice, and education and conclude with some recommendations as to how schools of social work can address the implications of the new economy in their curricula and their relationships with the surrounding community. The New Economy The roots of the new economy lie in the early 1970s. The previous 25 years (roughly 1945 to 1970) constituted a "golden" era, during which income inequality declined and most groups saw their standards of living improve (Fischer et al., 1996; Sawhill, 1996). Between 1959 and 1969, as a consequence of economic growth, a moderately progressive income tax, and the expansion of income transfer programs, the per capita incomes of the bottom 20 percent of Households increased at a faster rate than those of any other group. At the same time, real median family income grew by 40 percent (Danziger & Weinberg, 1994). …
Michael Reisch - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
-
nature of work and future of the social work profession
Social Work, 2001Co-Authors: Michael Reisch, Stephen H. GorinAbstract:Social work practice and education long have been influenced by trends in the U.S. economy, particularly as these trends affected patterns of employment and unemployment. This article assesses the implications of recent changes in patterns of economic production and the nature of work for the social work profession. The authors conclude with recommendations on how schools of social work can address these implications in their curricula and their relationships with the communities in which they are located. Key words: economy; inequality; unemployment; work Social work practice and education have long been influenced by developments in the broader U.S. economy, particularly as they affected such issues as employment and unemployment. A century ago, the Settlement House movement and the Charities Organization Societies emerged, in part, in response to the employment problems of immigrants and low-income residents of America's growing urban centers (Chambers, 1965; Patterson, 1994; Trolander, 1987). The early social workers who developed "welfare capitalism" as welfare secretaries in corporations and through union-based services programs addressed the workplace needs of industrial workers (Brandes, 1976; Popple, 1981; Wenocur & Reisch, 1989). The construction of the limited U.S. welfare state from the 1930s through the 1960s also reflected the central concern of social workers with the labor market, particularly its economic, social, and psychological effects (Karger, 1988; Sherraden, 1985; Straussner & Phillips, 1988). In the 21st century, social work will be sha ped by the new global economy and the growing gap between high and low wages, permanent and temporary employment (Reich, 1991; Rifkin, 1995; U.S. Department of Labor, 1995b). This article assesses the implications of two interrelated phenomena for social work practice and education. The first is the shift to what Head (1996) called "the new, ruthless economy," characterized by a growth in inequality, a shift in power from labor to capital, and a proliferation of low-wage employment. The second phenomenon is the steady reorganization and mechanization of production, which could result in the "end of work" as we know it. Rifkin (1995) argued that we are in the midst of "a third great industrial revolution" that is displacing millions of workers and eliminating or changing "whole job categories." The end of work raises the possibility, and perhaps the necessity, of reducing the workweek, separating the concept of income from work, and introducing a guaranteed annual income. In a world without work, reconstruction of the social infrastructure could become a central focus of human activity. This, in turn, could enhance the role of volunteerism and private, nonprofit institutions by paying a "social wage for community service" (Rifkin, 1995, P. 258). This idea, which expands on programs already underway, such as AmeriCorps and VISTA raises profound challenges for social workers. We analyze the key features of the "new economy" and the issues raised for policy, practice, and education and conclude with some recommendations as to how schools of social work can address the implications of the new economy in their curricula and their relationships with the surrounding community. The New Economy The roots of the new economy lie in the early 1970s. The previous 25 years (roughly 1945 to 1970) constituted a "golden" era, during which income inequality declined and most groups saw their standards of living improve (Fischer et al., 1996; Sawhill, 1996). Between 1959 and 1969, as a consequence of economic growth, a moderately progressive income tax, and the expansion of income transfer programs, the per capita incomes of the bottom 20 percent of Households increased at a faster rate than those of any other group. At the same time, real median family income grew by 40 percent (Danziger & Weinberg, 1994). …
Samuel Rosenberg - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
-
do unions matter an examination of the historical and contemporary role of labor unions in the social work profession
Social Work, 2006Co-Authors: Jessica Rosenberg, Samuel RosenbergAbstract:The labor movement in the United States is in a state of crisis. Union membership continues to drop. The union membership rate has steadily declined from a high of 20.1 percent in 1983 (the first year for which comparable union data are available) to 12.5 percent in 2005 (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2006). Labor scholars are in general agreement that gradual trends in the economy and the world of work, the global context of industry and the practice of outsourcing jobs to non-union workers and other countries, the decline of manufacturing, and growing political and ideological opposition to unions all contribute to diminished union membership (Aronowitz, 2005). In light of the overall decline in union membership, labor leaders are challenged to consider new models for labor organizations (Bai, 2005). In this context, the unionization of professionals, a historically neglected target for union membership, has become an area of increasing importance (Bronfenbrenner, Freidman, Hurd, Oswald, & Seeber, 1998). Unions can no longer afford to ignore professionals in organizing strategies and need to understand what professionals want from their union (Rosenberg, 2003). The unionization of the social work profession appears more robust than many other occupations; membership is estimated at 125,000, representing approximately 25 percent of 468,000 social workers in the labor force (Barth, 2003; Tambor, 1995). The accuracy of this statistic is debatable because it is derived from population surveys that lack a precise definition of "social worker." Nonetheless, the fact that many social workers are employed in the public sector, where workers are unionized at a rate more than four times that of private-sector employees, explains the relatively high number of unionized social workers. However, social worker representation in unions cannot be taken for granted, particularly as union membership in the public sector is dropping as well (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2006). The extent to which unions can play a protective function for the social work profession, in light of contemporary constraints on social services resulting from funding restrictions and managed care policy, merits serious consideration. The question is twofold: (1) Do unions matter to social workers? (2) Can unions represent the interests of professional social workers? This article examines these questions in a historical context and provides an analysis of contemporary attitudes among social workers toward unions. Insights about social workers' current attitudes toward unions are informed through a critical analysis of a recent research study that examined attitudes toward unions among social work union members (Rosenberg, 2003). REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE: THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT The contemporary stance of social work to labor unions can best be understood in a larger historical context that reveals ambivalence, with alternating periods of cooperation and conflict. In the late 1880s, the Settlement House movement ushered in a new era of social reform. The Settlement House movement sought to alleviate distress by addressing underlying social ills: poverty, unemployment, and economic inequality. The Settlement House movement advocated for policy initiatives to protect working women and orphans and to improve working conditions for wage workers (Ehrenreich, 1985; Karger, 1988; Trattner, 1999; Wagner, 1990). In this context of egalitarianism, an alliance with organized labor was formed. During the 1890s, Jane Addams and Lillian Wald were instrumental in the development of the National Women's Trade Union League. Hull House provided support for female workers by assisting in organizing workers into unions and by providing supplies and funds during strikes. These efforts helped create the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America (Axinn & Stern, 2001; Kolko-Phillips & Straussner, 1988; Reisch & Andrews, 2001). Hull House workers, including "Fighting Mary" McDowell, assisted in the organization of three unions: (1) the Women's Shirt Makers, (2) the Dorcas Federal Labor Union, and (3) the Chicago Women's Trade Union League (Reisch & Andrews). …
Frederic G Reamer - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
-
the evolution of social work ethics
Social Work, 1998Co-Authors: Frederic G ReamerAbstract:Ethical issues have always been a central feature in social work. Throughout the profession's history social workers have been concerned with matters of right and wrong and matters of duty and obligation. The National Association of Social Workers' (NASW) recent ratification of a new code of ethics (NASW, 1996) signals social workers' remarkable progress in the identification and understanding of ethical issues in the profession. The 1996 code - the first major revision in nearly two decades and only the third code of ethics ratified in NASW's history - reflects the impressive growth in social workers' grasp of complex ethical issues in practice. The celebration of social work's 100th anniversary provides a particularly auspicious moment to reflect on the evolution of social work ethics. Social workers' core values and ethical beliefs are the profession's linchpin. Social workers' concern with ethics has matured considerably during the past century, moving from frequently moralistic preoccupation with clients' values to concern about complex ethical dilemmas faced by practitioners and strategies for dealing with these dilemmas. Social work's concern with ethics spans four major, sometimes overlapping, periods: (1) the morality period, (2) the values period, (3) the ethical theory and decision-making period, and (4) the ethical standards and risk management period. The Morality Period In the late 20th century, when social work was formally inaugurated as a profession, there was much more concern about the morality of the client than about the morality or ethics of the profession or its practitioners (Leiby, 1978; Lubove, 1965; Reamer, 1995a). Social workers' earliest practitioners focused on organized relief and responding to the "curse of pauperism" (Paine, 1880). Often this preoccupation took the form of paternalistic efforts to bolster poor people's morality and the rectitude of those who had succumbed to "shiftless" or "wayward" habits. Social workers' focus on the morality of poor people waned significantly during the Settlement House movement in the early 20th century, when many social workers turned their attention to structural and environmental causes of individual and social problems, particularly social workers' ethical obligation to promote social justice and social reform. As has been well documented in the profession's literature, many social workers were concerned with "cause" rather than, or in addition to, "case." This was evident in social workers' social reform efforts designed to address the toxic environmental determinants of problems related to poverty, inadequate housing and health care, mental illness, alcoholism, and violence (Brieland, 1995; Lee, 1930). Emphasis on clients' morality continued to weaken during the next several decades as social workers created and refined various intervention theories and strategies, training programs, and educational models. During this phase, many social workers were more concerned about cultivating perspectives and methods that would be indigenous to social work, partly in an effort to distinguish social work's approach to helping from those of allied professions, such as psychology and psychiatry. Exploration of Values Although a critical mass of serious scholarship on social work ethics did not appear until the 1950s, there were several efforts earlier in the 20th century to explore social work values and ethics (Frankel, 1959). As early as 1919 there were attempts to draft professional codes of ethics (Elliott, 1931). In 1922 the Family Welfare Association of America appointed an ethics committee in response to questions about ethical problems in social work (Elliott, 1931; Joseph, 1989). In addition, there is evidence that at least some schools of social work were teaching discrete courses on values and ethics in the 1920s (Elliott, 1931; Johnson, 1955). These efforts were consistent with Flexner's (1915) widely respected assertion that a full-fledged profession should have a clearly articulated, values-based ethical foundation. …
Deborah A Skok - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
-
more than neighbors catholic Settlements and day nurseries in chicago 1893 1930
2007Co-Authors: Deborah A SkokAbstract:The influx of southern and eastern European immigrants to the United States at the beginning of the 20th century resulted in a stereotype of Catholics as poor, illiterate laborers. As prejudice against the unwelcome newcomers spread, Irish- and German-American Catholics - many of whom were American-born - felt threatened. Although genuinely concerned about the welfare of fellow Catholics, they feared the loss of their hard-earned economic security and slowly rising social position. By identifying common interests, the women of Chicago's Catholic community found a solution which simultaneously served the needy and cemented the status of the middle-class. In "More than Neighbors", Deborah A. Skok tells the story of Chicago's Catholic Settlement Houses and day nurseries and the cross-class alliances they fostered. For poor women, these institutions provided child care, social services, and employment. For white-collar working girls, they offered volunteer opportunities as well as classes on job skills. For upwardly mobile women, they afforded the ability to demonstrate Christian charity and to take leading roles in the political and cultural life of the city. Settlements enabled Catholic women from all social strata to come together for their mutual benefit, despite conflicts over issues of class and ethnicity. By giving equal attention to the religious as well as to the social component of the Settlement House movement, Skok illuminates the dynamics of class mobility, ethnic group interaction, and the gendered relations of power. Historians of the Progressive Era can no longer ignore the significance of Jane Addams' neighbors.