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Kirsten Anderson - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • how effective is the international convention for the protection of all persons from enforced disappearance likely to be in holding individuals criminally responsible for acts of enforced disappearance
    Melbourne Journal of International Law, 2006
    Co-Authors: Kirsten Anderson
    Abstract:

    [On 23 June 2006, the United Nations Human Rights Council adopted the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance. The adoption of the Convention has been heralded as a significant achievement and an important step towards addressing the increasingly widespread and particularly grave phenomenon of enforced disappearance. In particular, it is hoped that the Convention will increase the accountability of individual perpetrators of acts of enforced disappearance by extending international criminal jurisdiction to these acts. This article examines the need for the new Convention by analysing the shortcomings of existing avenues for holding perpetrators of enforced disappearance responsible under international criminal law, and by identifying gaps in the criminalisation of enforced disappearances. The article then examines key provisions of the Convention in light of these existing gaps and shortcomings, and assesses the likely role and effectiveness of the new Convention in bringing individual perpetrators to justice.] CONTENTS I Introduction II Nature and Prevalence of Enforced Disappearance III Shortcomings of the Current International Legal Framework in Holding Individuals Criminally Responsible A Enforced Disappearance as a Crime against Humanity 1 Criminalisation of Enforced Disappearance 2 Shortcomings in Conceptualising Enforced Disappearance as a Crime against Humanity B Enforced Disappearance as Torture 1 When Will Enforced Disappearance Amount to Torture? 2 Shortcomings in Conceptualising Enforced Disappearance as Torture C Prevailing Gaps in Criminalisation IV Analysis of the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance A The Need for and Advantages of Drafting a Separate Convention B Criminalising Per Se Acts of Enforced Disappearance C Definition of Enforced Disappearance D Mechanisms for Holding Individuals Criminally Responsible V Conclusion Some men arrive. They force their way into a family's home ... They come at any time of the day or night, usually in plain clothes, sometimes in uniform, always carrying weapons. Giving no reasons, producing no arrest warrant, without saying who they are or on whose authority they are acting, they drag off one or more members of the family towards a car, using violence in the process if necessary. Once the commotion is over, those left behind can only wonder. (1) I INTRODUCTION Enforced disappearance has been labelled 'a particularly heinous violation of human rights' (2) and 'one of the gravest crimes that can be committed against a human being'. (3) The act of enforced disappearance typically involves the abduction, arrest or detention of an individual--usually a perceived political opponent--by members of a State-sponsored military group, and a deliberate denial by authorities of any knowledge of the victim's arrest, whereabouts, or condition: the individual effectively vanishes. Enforced disappearances are a 'doubly paralysing form of suffering'. (4) The victim is removed from the protection of the law, and is often subjected to torture and extrajudicial execution. In addition, the victim's family and friends are deliberately denied knowledge of the individual's arrest or detention, and are 'subjected to slow mental torture' (5) as they wait, often for years and sometimes forever, to be informed of the victim's fate. Enforced disappearances were used by the Nazi regime during World War II to deliberately spread terror throughout the population and to suppress dissent. (6) They were also employed extensively as a 'virulent form of State Terrorism' by several governments in Latin America throughout the 1960s and 1970s. (7) Sadly, enforced disappearances have become 'a truly universal phenomenon', believed to be occurring in approximately 90 countries, in all regions of the world and affecting tens of thousands of people. …

  • how effective is the international convention for the protection of all persons from enforced disappearance likely to be in holding individuals criminally responsible for acts of enforced disappearance
    Melbourne Journal of International Law, 2006
    Co-Authors: Kirsten Anderson
    Abstract:

    [On 23 June 2006, the United Nations Human Rights Council adopted the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance. The adoption of the Convention has been heralded as a significant achievement and an important step towards addressing the increasingly widespread and particularly grave phenomenon of enforced disappearance. In particular, it is hoped that the Convention will increase the accountability of individual perpetrators of acts of enforced disappearance by extending international criminal jurisdiction to these acts. This article examines the need for the new Convention by analysing the shortcomings of existing avenues for holding perpetrators of enforced disappearance responsible under international criminal law, and by identifying gaps in the criminalisation of enforced disappearances. The article then examines key provisions of the Convention in light of these existing gaps and shortcomings, and assesses the likely role and effectiveness of the new Convention in bringing individual perpetrators to justice.] CONTENTS I Introduction II Nature and Prevalence of Enforced Disappearance III Shortcomings of the Current International Legal Framework in Holding Individuals Criminally Responsible A Enforced Disappearance as a Crime against Humanity 1 Criminalisation of Enforced Disappearance 2 Shortcomings in Conceptualising Enforced Disappearance as a Crime against Humanity B Enforced Disappearance as Torture 1 When Will Enforced Disappearance Amount to Torture? 2 Shortcomings in Conceptualising Enforced Disappearance as Torture C Prevailing Gaps in Criminalisation IV Analysis of the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance A The Need for and Advantages of Drafting a Separate Convention B Criminalising Per Se Acts of Enforced Disappearance C Definition of Enforced Disappearance D Mechanisms for Holding Individuals Criminally Responsible V Conclusion Some men arrive. They force their way into a family's home ... They come at any time of the day or night, usually in plain clothes, sometimes in uniform, always carrying weapons. Giving no reasons, producing no arrest warrant, without saying who they are or on whose authority they are acting, they drag off one or more members of the family towards a car, using violence in the process if necessary. Once the commotion is over, those left behind can only wonder. (1) I INTRODUCTION Enforced disappearance has been labelled 'a particularly heinous violation of human rights' (2) and 'one of the gravest crimes that can be committed against a human being'. (3) The act of enforced disappearance typically involves the abduction, arrest or detention of an individual--usually a perceived political opponent--by members of a State-sponsored military group, and a deliberate denial by authorities of any knowledge of the victim's arrest, whereabouts, or condition: the individual effectively vanishes. Enforced disappearances are a 'doubly paralysing form of suffering'. (4) The victim is removed from the protection of the law, and is often subjected to torture and extrajudicial execution. In addition, the victim's family and friends are deliberately denied knowledge of the individual's arrest or detention, and are 'subjected to slow mental torture' (5) as they wait, often for years and sometimes forever, to be informed of the victim's fate. Enforced disappearances were used by the Nazi regime during World War II to deliberately spread terror throughout the population and to suppress dissent. (6) They were also employed extensively as a 'virulent form of State Terrorism' by several governments in Latin America throughout the 1960s and 1970s. (7) Sadly, enforced disappearances have become 'a truly universal phenomenon', believed to be occurring in approximately 90 countries, in all regions of the world and affecting tens of thousands of people. …

Soprano Manzo, Germán Flavio - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • Political violence and State Terrorism in Argentina in the 1970s. Perspectives and experiences of "fighters" from a social and cultural history of the war
    2020
    Co-Authors: Soprano Manzo, Germán Flavio
    Abstract:

    El estudio de la violencia política y el Terrorismo de Estado en la década de 1970 es una importante cuestión de agenda pública y de las ciencias sociales de la Argentina. Los dramáticos hechos ocurridos y sus duraderas consecuencias justifican su importancia pasada, actual y futura. Desde el enfoque de una historia social y cultural de la guerra, este artículo propone una interpretación crítica de la historiografía sobre el tema, centrándose en el análisis de perspectivas y experiencias de “combatientes militares” y “combatientes revolucionarios”. Como hipótesis se sostiene que aunque en esos años el Estado argentino y otros Estados desconocieron la existencia en el país de una “guerra interna”, “guerra civil” o “guerra no internacional”, esto no inhibe la posibilidad de investigar situacionalmente, en sus propios términos, sentidos y racionalidades, los puntos de vista de quienes se consideraban protagonistas de una forma específica de “guerra” que denominaban “revolucionaria”, “contrainsurgente”, “popular prolongada”, “de liberación nacional”. Desde este enfoque historiográfico se espera contribuir a la definición de nuevas preguntas, problemas, objetos e hipótesis de investigación.The study of political violence and State Terrorism in the 1970s is an important issue on the public agenda and social sciences of the Argentina. The dramatic acts that occurred and its lasting consequences justify its past, current and future importance. From a social and cultural history of the war approach, this article proposes a critical interpretation of the historiography on the issue, focusing on the analysis of the perspectives and experiences of "military combatants" and "revolutionary fighters". As a hypothesis holds that although in those years the Argentine State and other States ignored the existence in the country of an "internal war", "civil war" or "non-international war", this does not inhibit the possibility of investigating situationally, in their own terms, senses and rationalities, the points of view of those who were considered to be protagonists of a specific form of "war" which was called "revolutionary", "counterinsurgency", "popular prolonged", "of national liberation". Since this historiographic approach is expected to contribute to the definition of new questions, problems, objects and research hypothesis.Dossier: Teoría e Historia en América LatinaFacultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educació

  • Citizens and Soldiers in the Debate on the Law about Voluntary Military Service in Democratic Argentina
    2020
    Co-Authors: Soprano Manzo, Germán Flavio
    Abstract:

    Este artículo tiene por objeto las concepciones de ciudadano y soldado presentadas en el debate parlamentario sobre la Ley de Servicio Militar Voluntario. Comprende: 1) los proyectos que contribuyeron a la elaboración de un amplio consenso parlamentario; 2) el reconocimiento de demandas de los ciudadanos contra el servicio militar obligatorio; 3) las comparaciones entre los proyectos de ley de servicio militar de 1901 y 1994; 4) la influencia de la experiencia del Terrorismo de Estado en la última dictadura en el resguardo de los derechos humanos del soldado; 5) y la definición de los ciudadanos que pueden ser soldados voluntarios y aquellos exceptuados de la conscripción en circunstancias excepcionales.This article aims to conceptions of citizen and soldier presented in the parliamentary debate on the law about voluntary military service. It analyses: 1) the projects contributing to the development of a broad parliamentary consensus; (2) the recognition of demands of the citizens against the compulsory military service; (3) comparisons between 1901-1994 military service bills; (4) the influence of the experience of State Terrorism in the last dictatorship in the protection of the human rights of the soldier; and 5) the definition of citizens who may be volunteer soldiers and those exempted from conscription in exceptional circumstances.Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la EducaciónConsejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnica

  • Los combatientes olvidados en la democracia argentina : Una reseña crítica sobre dos libros del historiador Federico Lorenz
    2020
    Co-Authors: Soprano Manzo, Germán Flavio
    Abstract:

    Este ensayo crítico analiza dos libros recientemente publicados, casi en simultáneo, por el historiador argentino Federico Lorenz. En uno de ellos estudia una historia sobre la violencia política y el Terrorismo de estado en la Argentina de la década de 1970; y en el otro, comprende una historia relacionada con la Guerra de Malvinas y sus secuelas. El primero es: Cenizas que te rodearon al caer. Vidas y muertes de Ana María González, la montonera que mató al jefe de la Policía Federal (Sudamericana, Buenos Aires, 2017, 315 páginas); y el segundo es: La llamada. Historia de un rumor de la posguerra de Malvinas (Editorial de la Universidad Nacional de Tucumán, San Miguel de Tucumán, 2017, 314 páginas). Me interesa enfocar una interpretación en ambos: la tesis de que la posdictadura o la transición democrática en ese país se erigió sobre un amplio consenso político y social que negó, ocultó o bien marginó a los combatientes “revolucionarios” y veteranos de la “Guerra de Malvinas”.This critical essay discusses two books recently published, almost in parallel, by the argentine historian Federico Lorenz. In one of them, he studied a story about political violence and State Terrorism in Argentina in the 1970s; and on the other, it includes a story related to the “Guerra de Malvinas” and its aftermath. The first is: Cenizas que te rodearon al caer. Vidas y muertes de Ana María González, la montonera que mató al jefe de la Policía Federal (Buenos Aires, Sudamericana, 2017, 315 pages); and the second is: La llamada. Historia de un rumor de la posguerra de Malvinas (San Miguel de Tucumán, Editorial de la Universidad Nacional de Tucumán, 2017, 314 pages). I want to focus on an interpretation in both: the thesis of the post-dictatorship or the democratic transition in that country it was erected on a broad political and social consensus that denied, concealed or otherwise marginalized “revolutionary” fighters and combatants veterans of the “Guerra de Malvinas".Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociale

Marchio Julie - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • “Ni vivo, ni muerto”
    'OpenEdition', 2021
    Co-Authors: Marchio Julie
    Abstract:

    The battles of memory that take place in Central America in order to establish the truth about past armed conflicts are also “a war of figures”, as Stated by the historian Arturo Taracena, who was part of the team of researchers of the Commission for Historical Clarification (CEH) in Guatemala. Indeed, the number of victims can only be established based on estimates and projections due to the implementation of forced disappearance of people and collective massacres which were strategies of the State Terrorism practiced in the region.Unlike Argentina and Chile who, at different times during their transition, promoted State-funded memory policies aimed at searching for and identifying the disappeared, the exhumation process in Central American countries directly affected by armed conflicts is in charge of family members, associations of victims and NGOs. In other words, the missing person in Central America still has no place in the Archive –in the sense of the law of what is possible to say given by Michel Foucault. How to represent this gap around which present and past, absence and presence converge? Whereas the literature of the Southern Cone provided several answers to this question, Central American production is still scarcely doing so. We deal here to analyse some novels and artistic works of the region that place the missing person at the centre of the plot, giving him a discursive place that he still lacks at the official level. In this way, we highlight the different strategies that make the disappeared visible as a way to fight against institutionalized forgetfulness.Las batallas de la memoria que se dan en América Central para establecer la verdad sobre los pasados conflictos armados son también “una guerra de cifras” como lo afirma el historiador Arturo Taracena, quien formó parte del equipo de investigadores de la Comisión para el Esclarecimiento Histórico (CEH) de Guatemala. En efecto, debido a la implementación de la desaparición forzada de personas y las masacres colectivas, que fueron estrategias del Terrorismo de Estado practicado en la región, sólo se puede establecer el número de víctimas a partir de estimaciones y proyecciones. A diferencia de Argentina y Chile que, en diferentes momentos de su transición, promovieron políticas de la memoria financiadas por el Estado destinadas a buscar a los desaparecidos y a identificarlos, el proceso de exhumación en los países centroamericanos afectados directamente por los conflictos armados está a cargo de los familiares, asociaciones de víctimas y ONGs. Dicho de otro modo, el desaparecido en Centroamérica sigue sin tener cabida en el Archivo –entendido en el sentido de la ley de lo decible que le da Michel Foucault.¿Cómo representar esta brecha alrededor de la cual confluyen presente y pasado, ausencia y presencia? Si bien la literatura del Cono Sur aportó varias respuestas a esta interrogante, la producción centroamericana lo está haciendo todavía de manera escasa. Nos ocupamos aquí de analizar algunas novelas y obras artísticas de la región que colocan al desaparecido en el centro de la trama dándole un lugar discursivo del que carece aún a nivel oficial. De este modo, enfatizamos las diferentes estrategias que permiten visibilizar al desaparecido como manera de luchar contra la desmemoria institucionalizada

Ruth Blakeley - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • drones State Terrorism and international law
    Critical Studies on Terrorism, 2018
    Co-Authors: Ruth Blakeley
    Abstract:

    The conventional wisdom among US foreign policymakers is that drones enable precise strikes, and therefore limit collateral damage. In contrast, critics point out that many civilian casualties have ensued, and they variously cite poor intelligence and imprecision of the strikes as reasons for this. Critics have also raised concerns that the US and its allies are engaging in “lawfare” to legitimise violations of human rights law. As such, some have questioned whether academic engagement with the legal questions surrounding targeted killings amount to collusion with State attempts to legitimise human rights violations. This article will argue that by conceptualising the targeted killings programme as a form of State Terrorism, we are better equipped to provide a critical analysis of the drones programme within the context of a long history of violence and Terrorism which has underpinned the imperial and neo-imperial projects of the UK and US. The article will then argue that there are important similarities between the targeted killings programme, and previous UK and US counterinsurgency operations, including prior uses of air power, and operations involving the internment of terror suspects, and the targeting of specific individuals for interrogation and torture or disappearance. Common to these programmes is that they are forms of policing aimed at crushing rebellions, stifling disorder and constructing or maintaining particular political economies, through terror. Also common to these programmes are the attempts made either to conceal illicit actions, or in the event they are exposed, to shroud them in a veil of legitimacy. The article concludes by offering some brief reflections on why we should not abandon the quest to resolve the thorny legal questions around the targeted killings programme.

  • State Terrorism and neoliberalism the north in the south
    2009
    Co-Authors: Ruth Blakeley
    Abstract:

    1. Introduction 2. Conceptualising State Terrorism 3. Contextualising State Terrorism: The North and its Foreign Policy Objectives in the South 4. Decolonisation, the Cold War and State Terrorism 5. The Post-Cold War World, Neoliberalism and State Terrorism 6. State Terrorism After 9/11 7. Conclusion Appendix Bibliography

  • bringing the State back into Terrorism studies
    European Political Science, 2007
    Co-Authors: Ruth Blakeley
    Abstract:

    Orthodox Terrorism studies tend to focus on the activities of illiberal non-State actors against the liberal democratic States in the North. It thus excludes State Terrorism, which is one of a number of repressive tools that great powers from the North have used extensively in the global South in the service of foreign policy objectives. I establish the reasons for the absence of State Terrorism from orthodox accounts of Terrorism and argue that critical–normative approaches could help to overcome this major weakness.

Julie Marchio - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • “Ni vivo, ni muerto”
    'OpenEdition', 2021
    Co-Authors: Julie Marchio
    Abstract:

    The battles of memory that take place in Central America in order to establish the truth about past armed conflicts are also “a war of figures”, as Stated by the historian Arturo Taracena, who was part of the team of researchers of the Commission for Historical Clarification (CEH) in Guatemala. Indeed, the number of victims can only be established based on estimates and projections due to the implementation of forced disappearance of people and collective massacres which were strategies of the State Terrorism practiced in the region.Unlike Argentina and Chile who, at different times during their transition, promoted State-funded memory policies aimed at searching for and identifying the disappeared, the exhumation process in Central American countries directly affected by armed conflicts is in charge of family members, associations of victims and NGOs. In other words, the missing person in Central America still has no place in the Archive –in the sense of the law of what is possible to say given by Michel Foucault. How to represent this gap around which present and past, absence and presence converge? Whereas the literature of the Southern Cone provided several answers to this question, Central American production is still scarcely doing so. We deal here to analyse some novels and artistic works of the region that place the missing person at the centre of the plot, giving him a discursive place that he still lacks at the official level. In this way, we highlight the different strategies that make the disappeared visible as a way to fight against institutionalized forgetfulness