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Frances F. Berdan - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Hand Spinning and Cotton in the Aztec Empire, as Revealed by the Codex Mendoza
2016Co-Authors: Susan M. Strawn, Frances F. Berdan, Patricia R. AnawaltAbstract:lessons, punishments, and even the number of tortillas appropriate for boys and girls during each year of childhood. Interestingly, the Codex Mendoza showed spinning as the only instruction given to Aztec girls between the ages of four and thirteen years. In 1992, the University of California Press published a full color facsimile of the Codex Mendoza with a translation into English and with extensive interpretation in four volumes edited by Frances F. Berdan and Patricia Rieff Anawalt. Following the editors ' dedication to those interested in studying MesoAmerica ("May you find a good road"). 1 read the Codex Mendoza for references and images specific to spinning, spinners, and cotton fiber. The work of Berdan and Anawalt made it possible to look at Aztec history from within the craft of hand spinning. Questions about the Aztecs and spinning included: Why did the Codex Mendoza show that learning to spin was the only instruction given to little girls aged four to thirteen? Little boys learned a variety of skills. Preparing enough fiber and spinning enough yam for a garment using a spindle takes considerabl
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Aztec Archaeology and Ethnohistory
2014Co-Authors: Frances F. BerdanAbstract:Part I. Setting the Stage: 1. Discovering, uncovering, and interpreting the Aztec world 2. The Aztecs as Mesoamericans Part II. Aztec Society and Culture: 3. Living on the land 4. Craft specialization, commerce, and trade 5. City-states and imperial rule 6. Living as an Aztec: social status and daily life 7. Religion, science, and the arts 8. The Aztec world: an integrated view.
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Living on the edge in an ancient imperial world: Aztec crime and deviance
Global Crime, 2008Co-Authors: Frances F. BerdanAbstract:The ancient Aztecs created the largest empire in the prehistory of Mesoamerica. During this brief period (1428–1521 AD), Aztec life was complex and volatile. This article treats the place of crime and deviance within this dynamic setting, exploring (1) the Aztec historical and institutional context for living a proper (and improper) life, (2) recorded and expected realms of criminal and deviant behaviour, (3) opportunities for malfeasance and those who took advantage of them and (4) the manner in which Aztec institutions and powerful individuals dealt with crime and deviance. These dimensions provide the basis for an explanatory discussion of the presence or absence of organised crime in Aztec life.
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Archaeology and the Aztec empire
World Archaeology, 1992Co-Authors: Michael E. Smith, Frances F. BerdanAbstract:Abstract This article provides two explanations for the relative lack of archaeological evidence for the existence of the Aztec empire. First, the nature of Aztec imperial strategies and organization did not lead to extensive patterned material remains in provincial areas. Second, archaeologists have been slow to address issues of Aztec expansion with problem‐oriented fieldwork projects. We describe new ethnohistoric and archaeological research on the Aztec empire outside of the Basin of Mexico and show how both kinds of information are needed to provide an adequate account of Aztec imperialism and its effects in Postclassic Mesoamerica.
Shannon Dugan Iverson - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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LOS ETERNOS TOLTECAS: HISTORIA Y VERDAD DURANTE LA TRANSICIÓN DEL PERIODO AZTECA AL COLONIAL EN TULA, HIDALGO (The Enduring Toltecs: History and Truth During the Aztec-to-Colonial Transition at Tula, Hidalgo)
Dr. Pascual Izquierdo-Egea, 2018Co-Authors: Shannon Dugan IversonAbstract:Tula, Hidalgo, fue una importante ciudad del periodo Posclásico Temprano que dominó gran parte del centro de México así como las regiones adyacentes al norte y oeste. Durante muchas décadas, se pensaba que Tula era la ciudad que los primeros documentos coloniales llamaron Tollan, «el lugar donde abundan los tules». Está claro que los aztecas, quienes fundaron un imperio posterior que dominó un área mucho más grande, veneraban a Tollan y se vincularon con los toltecas y su ciudad de diversas formas. Investigaciones recientes han cuestionado si Tula en verdad fue la Tollan que los aztecas veneraban; más bien, Tollan pudo haber sido un concepto que se refería a todas las grandes civilizaciones que precedieron a los aztecas. Estas dos perspectivas, las cuales enmarcan el «debate sobre una única Tollan o múltiples Tollans», tienen importantes consecuencias para comprender el periodo Posclásico Temprano, así como el concepto de poder durante la época colonial. Para entender las relaciones de los aztecas con el pasado y las consecuencias de esas relaciones en tiempos del virreinato, es importante dejar de lado la búsqueda de la verdad. En lugar de esto, me concentro en las narraciones históricas y los efectos sociales, materiales y biológicos que produjeron, incluyendo las intervenciones en Tula durante los periodos Azteca Temprano y Tardío. Los datos de Jorge Acosta proporcionan evidencias de un ritual de terminación durante el periodo Azteca Temprano y una ceremonia del Fuego Nuevo durante el periodo Azteca Tardío que marcó el comienzo de un nuevo auge poblacional en Tula. A su vez, estas conexiones permitieron el ascenso sin precedentes de la familia Moctezuma durante la época colonial. Esta evidencia forma parte de un argumento más amplio donde las dos posturas del debate sobre Tula no son mutuamente excluyentes. Más bien, ambas forman parte de los intentos de controlar, reivindicar y reverenciar el pasado en los campos de poder intrínsecamente inestables que caracterizaron los periodos Posclásico Tardío y Colonial Temprano en el centro de México. ENGLISH: Tula, Hidalgo, was an important early Postclassic city that dominated much of central Mexico as well as adjacent regions to its north and west. For many decades, Tula was thought to be the city that early colonial documents referred to as “Tollan”, or “place of the reeds”. It is clear that the Aztec Empire, a later civilization that dominated a much larger area, revered Tollan and connected themselves to the city and its people, the Toltecs, in various ways. Recent research has questioned whether Tula was indeed the Tollan that the Aztecs revered; instead, Tollan may have been a concept that referred to all of the great civilizations that preceded the Aztecs. These two perspectives, which I frame as the “single Tollan/many Tollans” debate, have important consequences for our understanding of the early Postclassic period as well as colonial configurations of power. I argue that to understand the Aztecs' relationships with their past, and the colonial consequences of those relationships, it is important to shift away from questions of truth. Instead, I concentrate on historical narratives and the social, material, and biological effects that they produced, including the early and late Aztec interventions at Tula. I argue that Jorge Acosta's data provide evidence for an Early Aztec period termination ritual and a Late Aztec period New Fire ceremony that ushered in a new population boom at Tula. In turn, these connections allowed for the unprecedented rise of the Moctezuma family during the colonial period. This evidence forms part of a broader argument that the two sides of the Tula debate are not mutually exclusive. Rather, they both form part of attempts to control, claim, and revere the past in the inherently unstable fields of power that characterized the late Postclassic and early colonial periods in central Mexico
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The Enduring Toltecs: History and Truth During the Aztec-to-Colonial Transition at Tula, Hidalgo
Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory, 2017Co-Authors: Shannon Dugan IversonAbstract:Tula, Hidalgo, was an important early Postclassic city that dominated much of central Mexico as well as adjacent regions to its north and west. For many decades, Tula was thought to be the city that early colonial documents referred to as “Tollan,” or “place of the reeds.” It is clear that the Aztec Empire, a later civilization that dominated a much larger area, revered Tollan and connected themselves to the city and its people, the Toltecs, in various ways. Recent research has questioned whether Tula was indeed the Tollan that the Aztecs revered; instead, Tollan may have been a concept that referred to all of the great civilizations that preceded the Aztecs. These two perspectives, which I frame as the “single Tollan/many Tollans” debate, have important consequences for our understanding of the early Postclassic period as well as colonial configurations of power. I argue that to understand the Aztecs’ relationships with their past, and the colonial consequences of those relationships, it is important to shift away from questions of truth. Instead, I concentrate on historical narratives and the social, material, and biological effects that they produced, including the early and late Aztec interventions at Tula. I argue that Jorge Acosta’s data provide evidence for an Early Aztec period termination ritual and a Late Aztec period New Fire ceremony that ushered in a new population boom at Tula. In turn, these connections allowed for the unprecedented rise of the Moctezuma family during the colonial period. This evidence forms part of a broader argument that the two sides of the Tula debate are not mutually exclusive. Rather, they both form part of attempts to control, claim, and revere the past in the inherently unstable fields of power that characterized the late Postclassic and early colonial periods in central Mexico.
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The Enduring Toltecs: History and Truth During the Aztec-to-Colonial Transition at Tula, Hidalgo
Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory, 2017Co-Authors: Shannon Dugan IversonAbstract:Tula, Hidalgo, was an important early Postclassic city that dominated much of central Mexico as well as adjacent regions to its north and west. For many decades, Tula was thought to be the city that early colonial documents referred to as “Tollan,” or “place of the reeds.” It is clear that the Aztec Empire, a later civilization that dominated a much larger area, revered Tollan and connected themselves to the city and its people, the Toltecs, in various ways. Recent research has questioned whether Tula was indeed the Tollan that the Aztecs revered; instead, Tollan may have been a concept that referred to all of the great civilizations that preceded the Aztecs. These two perspectives, which I frame as the “single Tollan/many Tollans” debate, have important consequences for our understanding of the early Postclassic period as well as colonial configurations of power. I argue that to understand the Aztecs’ relationships with their past, and the colonial consequences of those relationships, it is important to shift away from questions of truth. Instead, I concentrate on historical narratives and the social, material, and biological effects that they produced, including the early and late Aztec interventions at Tula. I argue that Jorge Acosta’s data provide evidence for an Early Aztec period termination ritual and a Late Aztec period New Fire ceremony that ushered in a new population boom at Tula. In turn, these connections allowed for the unprecedented rise of the Moctezuma family during the colonial period. This evidence forms part of a broader argument that the two sides of the Tula debate are not mutually exclusive. Rather, they both form part of attempts to control, claim, and revere the past in the inherently unstable fields of power that characterized the late Postclassic and early colonial periods in central Mexico.
Susan M. Strawn - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Hand Spinning and Cotton in the Aztec Empire, as Revealed by the Codex Mendoza
2016Co-Authors: Susan M. Strawn, Frances F. Berdan, Patricia R. AnawaltAbstract:lessons, punishments, and even the number of tortillas appropriate for boys and girls during each year of childhood. Interestingly, the Codex Mendoza showed spinning as the only instruction given to Aztec girls between the ages of four and thirteen years. In 1992, the University of California Press published a full color facsimile of the Codex Mendoza with a translation into English and with extensive interpretation in four volumes edited by Frances F. Berdan and Patricia Rieff Anawalt. Following the editors ' dedication to those interested in studying MesoAmerica ("May you find a good road"). 1 read the Codex Mendoza for references and images specific to spinning, spinners, and cotton fiber. The work of Berdan and Anawalt made it possible to look at Aztec history from within the craft of hand spinning. Questions about the Aztecs and spinning included: Why did the Codex Mendoza show that learning to spin was the only instruction given to little girls aged four to thirteen? Little boys learned a variety of skills. Preparing enough fiber and spinning enough yam for a garment using a spindle takes considerabl
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Hand Spinning and Cotton in the Aztec Empire, as Revealed by the Codex Mendoza
2016Co-Authors: Susan M. StrawnAbstract:At a lecture titled “Growing Up Aztec, ” art historian Jill Furst illustrated Aztec childhood with images from the Codex Mendoza, an extraordinary, post-Hispanic pictorial manuscript from central Mexico. The Mendoza specified the lessons, punishments, and even the number of tortillas appropriate for boys and girls during each year of childhood. Interestingly, the Codex Mendoza showed spinning as the only instruction given to Aztec girls between the ages of four and thirteen years. In 1992, the University of California Press published a full color facsimile of the Codex Mendoza1 with a translation into English and with extensive interpretation in four volumes edited by Frances F. Berdan and Patricia Rieff Anawalt. Following the editors ’ dedication to those interested in studying MesoAmerica (“May you find a good road”), I read the Codex Mendoza for references and images specific to spinning, spinners, and cotton fiber. The work of Berdan and Anawalt made it possible to look at Aztec history from within the craft of hand spinning. Questions about the Aztecs and spinning included: Why did the Code
Christopher G. Ingersoll - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Influence of bromide on the performance of the amphipod Hyalella azteca in reconstituted waters.
Environmental toxicology and chemistry, 2016Co-Authors: Chris D. Ivey, Christopher G. IngersollAbstract:Poor performance of the amphipod Hyalella azteca has been observed in exposures using reconstituted waters. Previous studies have reported success in H. azteca water-only exposures with the addition of relatively high concentrations of bromide. The present study evaluated the influence of lower environmentally representative concentrations of bromide on the response of H. azteca in 42-d water-only exposures. Improved performance of H. azteca was observed in reconstituted waters with >0.02 mg Br/L. Environ Toxicol Chem 2016;35:2425-2429. Published 2016 Wiley Periodicals Inc. on behalf of SETAC. This article is a US Government work and, as such, is in the public domain in the United States of America.
Dan M. Healan - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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The Archaeology of Tula, Hidalgo, Mexico
Journal of Archaeological Research, 2012Co-Authors: Dan M. HealanAbstract:The site of Tula, Hidalgo, Mexico, is well known for its distinctive architecture and sculpture that came to light in excavations initiated some 70 years ago. Less well known is the extensive corpus of archaeological research conducted over the past several decades, revealing a city that at its height covered an area of c. 16 km^2 and incorporated a remarkably diverse landscape of hills, plains, alluvial valleys, and marsh. Its dense, urban character is evident in excavations at over 22 localities that uncovered complex arrangements of residential compounds whose nondurable architecture left relatively few surface traces. Evidence of craft production includes lithic and ceramic production loci in specific sectors of the ancient city. Tula possessed a large and densely settled hinterland that apparently encompassed the surrounding region, including most of the Basin of Mexico, and its area of direct influence appears to have extended to the north as far as San Luís Potosí. Tula is believed to have originated as the center of a regional state that consolidated various Coyotlatelco polities and probably remnants of a previous Teotihuacan-controlled settlement system. Its pre-Aztec history exhibits notable continuity in settlement, ceramics, and monumental art and architecture. The nature of the subsequent Aztec occupation supports ethnohistorical and other archaeological evidence that Tula’s ruins were what the Aztecs called Tollan.
