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Jumadi Jumadi - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Dominasi Sekolah Negeri Terhadap Sekolah Swasta Sebagai Penyebab Kekerasan Simbolik Terhadap Siswa Sekolah Swasta
'Universitas Muhamamadiyah Tapanuli Selatan', 2021Co-Authors: Suardi Suardi, Agustang Andi, Jumadi JumadiAbstract:Siswa sekolah swasta mendapatkan kekerasan simbolik karena adanya dominasi sekolah negeri terhadap sekolah swasta. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk menganalisis menemukan adanya dominasi sekolah negeri terhadap sekolah swasta yang selevel dan selabel. Penelitian ini dilakukan menggunakan metode mixed method concurrent embedded di 10 sekolah swasta dan 6 sekolah negeri. Informan penelitian kualitatif sebanyak 43 orang ditentukan menggunakan purposive sampling sedangkan responden penelitian kuantitatif sebanyak 301 orang ditentukan menggunakan random sampling. Pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan menggunakan lembar angket skala likert dan Gutman, lembar observasi secara langsung, lembar wawancara terstruktur dan dokumen. Data kualitatif yang telah dikumpulkan dianalisis melalui tahapan reduksi data, display data kemudian melakukan penarikan kesimpulan, sedangkan data kuantitatif dianalisis melalui tahapan verifikasi, tabulasi dan persentase data. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan dominasi sekolah negeri menjadi salah satu faktor penyebab kekerasan simbolik terhadap siswa sekolah swasta. Dominasi sekolah negeri terhadap sekolah swasta terbagi menjadi beberapa varian yaitu (a) Dominasi kelas dominan terhadap kelas popular dan kelas borjuasi yang selevel, (b) Dominasi kelas dominan terhadap kelas popular dan kelas borjuasi yang tidak selevel, (c) Dominasi kelas dominan terhadap kelas populer dan kelas borjuasi yang selabel dan (c) Dominasi kelas dominan terhadap kelas populer dan kelas borjuasi yang tidak selabel. Kata kunci: Dominasi, Kekerasan Simbolik, Kelas Dominan, Kelas Borjuasi, Kelas Populer, Sekolah Swasta dan Negeri. Abstract Private school students experience symbolic violence because of the dominance of public schools over private schools. The purpose of this study was to analyze the dominance of public schools over private schools at the same level and level. This research was conducted using a mixed method concurrent embedded in 10 private schools and 6 public schools. As many as 43 qualitative research informants were determined using purposive sampling, while the quantitative research respondents were 301 people who were determined using random sampling. The data was collected using a Likert and Gutman scale questionnaire sheet, direct observation sheets, structured interview sheets and documents. The qualitative data that has been collected is analyzed through the data reduction stage, the data display then draws conclusions, while the quantitative data is analyzed through the verification, tabulation and percentage data stages. The results showed that the dominance of public schools was one of the factors causing symbolic violence against private school students. The domination of public schools over private schools is divided into several variants, namely (a) The domination of the dominant Class over the popular Class and the Bourgeoisie at the same level, (b) The domination of the dominant Class over the popular Class and the Bourgeoisie which is not on the same level, (c) The domination of the dominant Class over the Class and (c) The domination of the dominant Class over the popular Class and the Bourgeoisie which is not Key words: Domination, Symbolic Violence, Dominant Class, Bourgeois Class, Popular Class, Private and Public Schools
Matheus Rocha, Andrés Eugenio - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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El problema de lo público
'Universidad Libre', 2019Co-Authors: Matheus Rocha, Andrés EugenioAbstract:Since the times in which it was opted by the democracy like government’s improved form which substituted the government of the kings, ideas like common and public benefits appeared. These ideas characterized the acting of the state. The kings were considered benevolent when they distributed some small part of their goods to the poor people or when they made justice and this acted reprehending the outrages of their relatives. In the democracy the idea of dignity appears, and of human rights based in this same dignity. What gave legitimacy to the state was to confront the challenges of guaranteeing the life worthy of their residents starting from the guarantee of rights, among those that it cared the preservation of the common benefit granting equality understood in three lines: in front of the law, because the citizenship equaled to all. It was the main statute of the modern society. Equality of opportunities that was guaranteed offering education and health so that the impoverished sectors can continue being included in the competition; and lastly the equality of results However, this last one, in fact didn’t pursue to equal the people because the democracy is highly a Bourgeois invention. It was that, being the capitalist pattern, it was tried to redistribute the wealth making that those that more were benefitted of the pattern of Bourgeois democracy they showed a face of solidarity with the social group that sustained it. This model of Bourgeois democracy is arriving to its end. To the states it is untenable to look for the common benefit because the national groups enter in serious difficulties of having the control of the national wealth and they have been forced to associate for alliances or to melt inside more powerful groups to continue receiving benefits but completely eliminated of the taking of decisions. Then, what sustained the national apparatus, the Bourgeois state, loses the bonds that sustain their domain and the state is forced to defend what maintained more openly hidden as ideology. The main representation of the Bourgeoisie. Once assumed this position openly, appears clear that the ideology of the common and public benefit disappears or it becomes untenable as argumentational speech. The state apparatus has always been to the service of the Bourgeois Class and the common and public Benefit are railings on those the domain and its own legitimation has been covered. That means that common and public benefit is no more than hopes to disguise the power and to concert respect and genuineness in front of the people. It is necessary then if is wanted to make possible the coexistence, to redefine the terms of the public thing and the content of the same one. This challenges to all the professions but especially to the public accountant’s professional exercise. Because its occupation gives out of the public benefit but to determine their work it is necessary to define the content and the last sense of the public thing, to guaranteed the social coexistence.Desde los tiempos en que se optó por la democracia como forma mejorada de gobierno que sustituía al gobierno de los reyes, aparecieron ideas como bien común y público. Estas ideas caracterizaban el quehacer del estado. Los reyes eran considerados benévolos cuando repartían alguna pequeña parte de sus bienes entre los pobres o cuando hacían justicia y ésta actuaba reprendiendo los desafueros de sus allegados. En la democracia aparece la idea de dignidad y de derechos humanos fundamentados en esta misma dignidad. Lo que daba legitimidad al estado era afrontar los retos de garantizar la vida digna de sus pobladores a partir de la garantía de derechos, entre los que importaba la preservación del bien común otorgando igualdad entendida en tres líneas: Ante la ley, ya que la ciudadanía igualaba a todos. Era el estatuto fundante de la sociedad moderna. –Igualdad de oportunidades, que se garantizaba ofreciendo educación y salud para que los sectores empobrecidos pudiesen seguir siendo incluidos en la competencia. Y por último, la igualdad de resultados. Sin embargo, esta última en realidad no perseguía igualar ya que la democracia es netamente un invento burgués. Se trataba de que, siendo el modelo capitalista, se intentara redistribuir la riqueza haciendo que los que más se beneficiaban del modelo de democracia burguesa mostraran un rostro de solidaridad con el grupo social que la sustentaba. Este modelo de democracia burguesa está llegando a su fin. A los estados les es insostenible buscar el beneficio común ya que los grupos nacionales entran en serias dificultades de tener el control de la riqueza nacional y se han visto obligados a asociarse por alianzas o a fundirse dentro de grupos más poderosos para seguir recibiendo beneficios pero totalmente eliminados de la toma de decisiones. Entonces, lo que sostenía el aparato nacional, el estado burgués, pierde los vínculos que sustentan su dominio y el estado se ve obligado a defender más abiertamente lo que mantenía oculto como ideología. El ser representante de la burguesía. Una vez asumida abiertamente esta posición, aparece claro que la ideología del bien común y de lo público desaparece o es insostenible como discurso argumental. Que efectivamente el aparato estatal siempre ha estado al servicio de la clase burguesa y que el bien común o lo público son parapetos sobre los que se ha disfrazado el dominio y su propia legitimación. Es decir, que bien común y público, no son más que ilusiones para disfrazar el poder y concertar respeto y legitimidad delante del pueblo. Y que es necesario entonces, si se quiere hacer posible la convivencia, redefinir los términos de lo público y el contenido del mismo. Esto desafía a todas las profesiones pero en especial al ejercicio profesional del contador público. Ya que por oficio da cuenta de lo público, pero para determinar su labor se tiene que definir el contenido y el sentido último de lo público. Asegurar la convivencia social
Sühring Peter - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Natur und Zivilisation in der Musik: Theodor Hagen, Marx und Goethe. Ein ideengeschichtliches Tableau
Peter Sühring, 2021Co-Authors: Sühring PeterAbstract:In einer direkten Konfrontation der zwischen 1844 und 1852 von beiden geschriebenen Artikel, Bücher und Briefe wird versucht, die wenigen Gemeinsamkeiten und die vielen Trennungspunkte zwischen Marx und Hagen, zwei linken Achtundvierzigern und Mitgliedern des Bundes der Kommunisten, in Bezug auf die Begriffe Zivilisation und Musik darzustellen. Mit dem Ergebnis, dass bezogen auf Musik von Marx wenig zu erfahren ist und bezogen auf die Zivilisation der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft beide Autoren ziemlich entgegengesetzte Ansichten hegten. Während Marx in der Herrschaft der Bourgeoisie ein notwendiges Durchgangsstadium im weltgeschichtlichen Prozess sah, die durch eine Revolutionierung der Produktionsverhältnisse beseitigt werden würde, sah Hagen in der Zivilisation den entscheidenden Hinderungsgrund für eine Emanzipation des Volkes und der Arbeiterklasse, die zuvörderst mittels der Musik geschwächt und beseitigt werden müsse, um an einen Sieg über das Bürgertum denken zu können. Marx’ Idealisierung der materiellen Produktion und Hagens Idealisierung der Musik als Befreiungsmittel werden durch Hinweise auf nur zwanzig Jahre ältere Gedanken von Goethe korrigiert.In a direct confrontation of the articles, books and letters written by both between 1844 and 1852, an attempt is made to illustrate the few similarities and the many dividing points between Marx and Hagen, two left-wing forty-eighties and members of the Communist League, in relation to their concepts of civilization and music. With the result that there is little to be learned by Marx in relation to music and that in relation to civilization of Bourgeois society both authors had rather opposite views. While Marx saw the rule of the Bourgeoisie as a necessary stage in the process of world history, which would be eliminated by a revolution in the conditions of production, Hagen saw civilization as the decisive obstacle to the emancipation of the people and the working Class, which was primarily weakened and eliminated by music to be able to think of a victory over the Bourgeois Class. Marx’s idealization of material production and Hagen’s idealization of music as a means of liberation are corrected by references to Goethe’s ideas that are only twenty years older
J Seo - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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2 national question and state in korea focusing on the Bourgeois Class and the ruling elite
2007Co-Authors: J SeoAbstract:This chapter discusses the national question, nationalist consciousness and nationalism in relation to the orientation of the Bourgeois or dominant Class who placed top priority on economic modernization. The relationship between the national question and the economic modernization of the Bourgeois or dominant Class appears to have changed. Since the democratization struggles of June 1987, South Korea and the world have changed a lot. Unification movements and the campaign for correctly understanding North Korea have developed on a large scale. Negotiations and meetings between South and North Korea at the governmental level have improved considerably. Some South Korean companies have also commenced cautious investment in North Korea, their intentions, however, are suspect. In general, the character of Korean democracy and nationalism is becoming progressive with an unprecedented rapidity. Civil and democratic consciousness is on the right track, even though there may be some temporary setbacks. Keywords: Bourgeois Class; economic modernization; Korean democracy; nationalism; Unification movements
Suardi Suardi - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Dominasi Sekolah Negeri Terhadap Sekolah Swasta Sebagai Penyebab Kekerasan Simbolik Terhadap Siswa Sekolah Swasta
'Universitas Muhamamadiyah Tapanuli Selatan', 2021Co-Authors: Suardi Suardi, Agustang Andi, Jumadi JumadiAbstract:Siswa sekolah swasta mendapatkan kekerasan simbolik karena adanya dominasi sekolah negeri terhadap sekolah swasta. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk menganalisis menemukan adanya dominasi sekolah negeri terhadap sekolah swasta yang selevel dan selabel. Penelitian ini dilakukan menggunakan metode mixed method concurrent embedded di 10 sekolah swasta dan 6 sekolah negeri. Informan penelitian kualitatif sebanyak 43 orang ditentukan menggunakan purposive sampling sedangkan responden penelitian kuantitatif sebanyak 301 orang ditentukan menggunakan random sampling. Pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan menggunakan lembar angket skala likert dan Gutman, lembar observasi secara langsung, lembar wawancara terstruktur dan dokumen. Data kualitatif yang telah dikumpulkan dianalisis melalui tahapan reduksi data, display data kemudian melakukan penarikan kesimpulan, sedangkan data kuantitatif dianalisis melalui tahapan verifikasi, tabulasi dan persentase data. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan dominasi sekolah negeri menjadi salah satu faktor penyebab kekerasan simbolik terhadap siswa sekolah swasta. Dominasi sekolah negeri terhadap sekolah swasta terbagi menjadi beberapa varian yaitu (a) Dominasi kelas dominan terhadap kelas popular dan kelas borjuasi yang selevel, (b) Dominasi kelas dominan terhadap kelas popular dan kelas borjuasi yang tidak selevel, (c) Dominasi kelas dominan terhadap kelas populer dan kelas borjuasi yang selabel dan (c) Dominasi kelas dominan terhadap kelas populer dan kelas borjuasi yang tidak selabel. Kata kunci: Dominasi, Kekerasan Simbolik, Kelas Dominan, Kelas Borjuasi, Kelas Populer, Sekolah Swasta dan Negeri. Abstract Private school students experience symbolic violence because of the dominance of public schools over private schools. The purpose of this study was to analyze the dominance of public schools over private schools at the same level and level. This research was conducted using a mixed method concurrent embedded in 10 private schools and 6 public schools. As many as 43 qualitative research informants were determined using purposive sampling, while the quantitative research respondents were 301 people who were determined using random sampling. The data was collected using a Likert and Gutman scale questionnaire sheet, direct observation sheets, structured interview sheets and documents. The qualitative data that has been collected is analyzed through the data reduction stage, the data display then draws conclusions, while the quantitative data is analyzed through the verification, tabulation and percentage data stages. The results showed that the dominance of public schools was one of the factors causing symbolic violence against private school students. The domination of public schools over private schools is divided into several variants, namely (a) The domination of the dominant Class over the popular Class and the Bourgeoisie at the same level, (b) The domination of the dominant Class over the popular Class and the Bourgeoisie which is not on the same level, (c) The domination of the dominant Class over the Class and (c) The domination of the dominant Class over the popular Class and the Bourgeoisie which is not Key words: Domination, Symbolic Violence, Dominant Class, Bourgeois Class, Popular Class, Private and Public Schools