Criminal History

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Paul Nieuwbeerta - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • the relationship between a person s Criminal History immediate situational factors and lethal versus non lethal events
    Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 2017
    Co-Authors: S M Ganpat, Joanne Van Der Leun, Paul Nieuwbeerta
    Abstract:

    When investigating serious violence, studies tend to look primarily at offenders and their background. This study investigates the influence of offenders’ and victims’ Criminal History and immediate situational factors on the likelihood that violent events will end lethally. For this purpose, we compare lethal with non-lethal events, and combine Dutch Criminal records with data from court files of those involved in lethal (i.e., homicide, n = 126) versus non-lethal events (i.e., attempted homicide, n = 141). Results reveal that both Criminal History and immediate situational factors clearly matter for the outcome of violent events; however, immediate situational factors have the strongest effect on violent outcomes.

  • the influence of Criminal History on the likelihood of committing lethal versus nonlethal violence
    Homicide Studies, 2014
    Co-Authors: S M Ganpat, Marieke Liem, Joanne Van Der Leun, Paul Nieuwbeerta
    Abstract:

    This study focuses on the Criminal History of serious violent offenders. Our aim is to determine: (a) to what extent the Criminal History of lethally violent offenders differs from nonlethally viol...

  • partners in crime Criminal offending marriage formation and partner selection
    Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency, 2012
    Co-Authors: Marieke Van Schellen, Anne-rigt Poortman, Paul Nieuwbeerta
    Abstract:

    Objectives.This study aims to examine the impact of Criminal offending on marriage formation and partner selection. Although it is well established that marriage has the potential to foster desistance from crime, far less attention has been paid to offenders' marital chances. The few studies that did investigate the effects of crime on marriage formation have not taken into account spouses' Criminal behavior. However, desistance from crime may strongly depend on the Criminal History of the spouse.Method.We employ data from a unique longitudinal study: The Criminal Career and Life-course Study (CCLS). The CCLS contains data on the officially registered Criminal careers of 4,615 Dutch offenders and their spouses. To analyze the relationship between Criminal offending and outcomes in the marriage market, we use event History models.Results.The results show that not only the seriousness of a Criminal History but also the timing of Criminal convictions affects offenders' outcomes in the marriage market. The mo...

  • because you re mine i walk the line marriage spousal Criminality and Criminal offending over the life course
    Journal of Quantitative Criminology, 2012
    Co-Authors: Marieke Van Schellen, Robert Apel, Paul Nieuwbeerta
    Abstract:

    Objectives This study is an analysis of the relationship between marriage and crime in a high-risk sample of Dutch men and women. Marriages are classified as to whether the spouse had been convicted of a crime prior to the marriage, in order to ascertain if one’s Criminal career after marriage unfolds differently depending on the Criminal History of one’s spouse.

  • the predictive value of Criminal background checks do age and Criminal History affect time to redemption
    Criminology, 2011
    Co-Authors: Shawn D Bushway, Paul Nieuwbeerta, Arjan Blokland
    Abstract:

    Criminal record checks are being used increasingly by decision makers to predict future unwanted behaviors. A central question these decision makers face is how much time it takes before offenders can be considered “redeemed” and resemble nonoffenders in terms of the probability of offending. Building on a small literature addressing this topic for youthful, first-time offenders, the current article asks whether this period differs across the age of last conviction and the total number of prior convictions. Using long-term longitudinal data on a Dutch conviction cohort, we find that young novice offenders are redeemed after approximately 10 years of remaining crime free. For older offenders, the redemption period is considerably shorter. Offenders with extensive Criminal histories, however, either never resemble their nonconvicted counterparts or only do so after a crime-free period of more than 20 years. Practical and theoretical implications of these findings are discussed.

Robert A. Rosenheck - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • psychosis lack of job skills and Criminal History associations with employment in two samples of homeless men
    Psychiatric Services, 2016
    Co-Authors: Jack Tsai, Robert A. Rosenheck
    Abstract:

    Objective:This study examined factors associated with employment among homeless men with mental illness, particularly History of Criminal justice involvement.Methods:Data from 569 homeless men in the 11-site Collaborative Initiative to Help End Chronic Homelessness (2004–2009) and 1,101 homeless male veterans in the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development—Veterans Affairs Supportive Housing program at 19 sites (1992–2003) were analyzed.Results:In neither sample was Criminal or incarceration History significantly associated with job attainment or earnings for either black or white participants. In contrast, psychotic disorders and public-support income were negatively associated with job attainment and earnings. The majority of homeless veterans reported lifetime occupations as skilled or unskilled manual workers.Conclusions:These findings highlight the high rate of nonemployment among homeless men and suggest that employment among homeless men is not significantly impeded by a Criminal record but...

  • homeless veterans in supported housing exploring the impact of Criminal History
    Psychological Services, 2013
    Co-Authors: Jack Tsai, Robert A. Rosenheck
    Abstract:

    This article described the Criminal histories of a multisite sample of homeless veterans enrolled in the Housing and Urban Development-Veterans Affairs Supportive Housing (HUD-VASH) program, presented a method of categorizing them, and compared outcomes among veterans with different Criminal histories. A national dataset on a total of 1,160 participants over a 1-year period was analyzed. Cluster analyses were conducted on the Criminal histories of participants and groups of participants were compared on program entry characteristics and outcomes. Before entry into the HUD-VASH program, 79% of participants had been charged with at least one Criminal charge. The most common Criminal charges were disorderly conduct, vagrancy, and public intoxication. At program entry, participants with more extensive Criminal histories showed poorer status in employment, housing, substance abuse, and quality of life compared with participants with minor or no Criminal histories. However, once enrolled in supported housing, there were no group differences in outcomes and all groups showed substantial improvements in housing. These findings suggest that most homeless veterans have had involvement in the Criminal justice system, albeit mostly to a small extent. Supported housing programs, like HUD-VASH, that serve homeless veterans regardless of their Criminal History should be supported.

  • Criminal History as a prognostic indicator in the treatment of homeless people with severe mental illness
    Psychiatric Services, 2004
    Co-Authors: James Mcguire, Robert A. Rosenheck
    Abstract:

    OBJECTIVE: This study examined the clinical problems and treatment outcomes of homeless people with severe mental illness and a History of incarceration. METHODS: Between May 1994 and June 1998, a total of 5,774 people entered assertive community treatment case management services in the Access to Community Care and Effective Services and Supports (ACCESS) demonstration program at 18 sites in nine states. This study used data from reassessments at 12 months after program entry. Analysis of variance was used to compare baseline status and 12-month outcomes for clients with a lifetime incarceration History of less than six months, of six months or more, and no incarceration History. The outcomes assessed were housing status, employment status, psychiatric problems, alcohol problems, drug problems, and Criminal justice involvement. RESULTS: Two-thirds of the ACCESS clients had a History of incarceration, with about one-third having less than six months of incarceration and about one-third having six months o...

Bethany L. Wellman - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • The Effectiveness of One Mental Health Court: Overcoming Criminal History
    Psychological Injury and Law, 2017
    Co-Authors: Julie S. Costopoulos, Bethany L. Wellman
    Abstract:

    The Mental Health Court (MHC) allows for defendants with mental illness to receive community-based treatment while helping to avoid further involvement in the Criminal justice system. Studies have demonstrated varying degrees of success for participants’ rearrest rate and severity while in the community. The role of prior Criminal behavior on success in MHC, and for up to 3 years after release from MHC, was examined. Data was gathered on 118 participants in MHC, 80 of which graduated, and 38 who were dismissed without graduating. Arrests were coded prior to entering MHC and at 3 months, 6 months, 1 year, and 3 years after release. Recidivism included arrest severity, offense type, and quantity of offenses. Significantly fewer defendants who completed MHC were rearrested at all windows of time after release. Completing MHC also predicted living more days free without rearrest. Criminal History was not consistently predictive of recidivism when failing MHC was included in the model. The severity of the charges when rearrested was predicted only by completing MHC, not by Criminal History. The greater the amount of days spent in MHC was associated with rearrests for lesser crime types (such as property offenses) at 3 years for individuals who did not complete MHC. These results suggest that participation in MHC was able to reduce recidivism regardless of varying severity of Criminal History. The impact of MHC was so great that length of participation reduced severity of offense type after 3 years even for those who ultimately did not complete the requirements.

James Shugars - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • developing the interstate identification index federal bureau of investigation iii fbi system for providing timely Criminal and civil identification and Criminal History information to the nation s law enforcement agencies
    Enabling Technologies for Law Enforcement and Security, 1997
    Co-Authors: Patricia L Copeland, James Shugars
    Abstract:

    The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) is currently developing a new system to provide timely Criminal and civil identities and Criminal History information to the nation's local, state, and federal users. The Integrated Automated Fingerprint Identification System (IAFIS), an upgrade to the existing Identification Division Automated Services (IDAS) System, is scheduled for implementation in 1999 at the new FBI facility in Clarksburg, West Virginia. IAFIS will offer new capabilities for electronic transmittal of fingerprint cards to the FBI, an improved fingerprint matching algorithm, and electronic maintenance of fingerprints and photo images. The Interstate Identification Index (III/FBI) System is one of three segments comprising the umbrella IAFIS System. III/FBI provides repository, maintenance, and dissemination capabilities for the 40 million subject national Criminal History database. III/FBI will perform over 1 million name searches each day. Demanding performance, reliability/maintainability/availability, and flexibility/expandability requirements make III/FBI an architectural challenge to the system developers. This paper will discuss these driving requirements and present the technical solutions in terms of leading edge hardware and software.

  • architecting the interstate identification index federal bureau of investigation iii fbi system for providing timely Criminal and civil identification and Criminal History information to the nation s law enforcement agencies
    Proceedings of SPIE the International Society for Optical Engineering, 1997
    Co-Authors: Patricia L Copeland, James Shugars
    Abstract:

    The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) is currently developing a new system to provide timely Criminal and civil identities and Criminal History information to the nation's local, state, and federal users. The Integrated Automated Fingerprint Identification System (IAFIS), an upgrade to the existing Identification Division Automated Services (IDAS) System, is scheduled for implementation in 1999 at the new FBI facility in Clarksburg, West Virginia. IAFIS will offer new capabilities for electronic transmittal of fingerprint cards to the FBI, an improved fingerprint matching algorithm, and electronic maintenance of fingerprints and photo images. The Interstate Identification Index (III/FBI) System is one of three segments comprising the umbrella IAFIS System. III/FBI provides repository, maintenance, and dissemination capabilities for the 40 million subject national Criminal History database. III/FBI will perform over 1 million name searches each day. Demanding performance, reliability/maintainability/availability, and flexibility/expandability requirements make III/FBI an architectural challenge to the system developers. This paper will discuss these driving requirements and present the technical solutions in terms of leading edge hardware and software.

Shawn D Bushway - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • overview of a signaling perspective on employment based reentry programming training completion as a desistance signal
    Criminology and public policy, 2012
    Co-Authors: Shawn D Bushway, Robert Apel
    Abstract:

    Research Summary This study argues that employment programs for individuals exiting prison can benefit society even if they do not directly reduce recidivism, by helping to identify quickly and efficiently those desisters who are ready to work. We make the following basic claims: 1. Individuals exiting prison have poor work experience, low levels of education, and generally qualify for only low-skill, entry-level jobs. Moreover, the majority will recidivate within 3 years. Employment training programs are designed to ameliorate these deficits, but to date, they have demonstrated only limited potential to improve employment prospects and recidivism risk. 2. Despite a poor track record for employment-based reentry programming, a substantial minority of individuals exiting prison has desisted from crime and has the capacity to maintain stable employment. 3. Growing evidence suggests that this desistance process occurs quickly—almost instantaneously—and is driven by decisions on the part of the individual to change. 4. This type of instantaneous, agent-based change is difficult to predict using static risk prediction tools. As a result, desistance is fundamentally unobservable to employers and others who might wish to identify good employees from the group of people who have Criminal History records. In lieu of additional information, one's true desistance state will only be revealed through time. This situation is a classic case of a market with asymmetric information. 5. Although growing numbers of employers refuse to hire individuals with Criminal History records, some are in fact willing to hire from this pool of workers. More might be willing to do so if they could reliably identify desisters. The current legal environment is increasingly hostile to across-the-board bans on hiring individuals with Criminal History records without documentation of business necessity. 6. Program participation, completion, and endorsement from a training organization can provide a reliable signal to employers that a given individual has desisted and is prepared to be a productive employee, as long as the cost to program completion is high for those who have not desisted, and low for those who have desisted. Effective signals must be voluntary. Requiring program completion, or graduating all participants, renders the signal useless. 7. Existing evidence demonstrates that program participants (or program completers) do in fact recidivate less often and have better employment outcomes than program nonparticipants (or program dropouts), even in cases where the program does not seem to “work” in a causal sense. This evidence can be taken to suggest that program completion provides valuable information—a signal—to the labor market. 8. Limited anecdotal evidence suggests that some employers—among those willing to hire individuals with a Criminal History record—may already be using completion of employment training programs to identify “good employees” among the pool of low-skill labor. 9. The development of effective signals could create a net gain to society if, in the absence of signals, employers will largely avoid hiring individuals with Criminal History records. Evidence suggests that individuals with prison records are exiting the labor market at higher rates than in the past. 10. The signaling approach is different than risk prediction because it relies on actions taken by individuals to reveal information about them that is, by definition, unobservable. Information about program completion can be valuable even if the program has not caused individuals to change. 11. Other actions besides completion of employment training programs also could function as useful signals in domains other than employment. Policy Implications Reframing the problem of reentry as a case of asymmetric information could potentially have dramatic implications for policy makers struggling to deal with the growing number of individuals with Criminal History records, who are increasingly disconnected from the labor market. This disconnection occurs, at least in part, because this group is more readily identifiable through the use of Criminal background checks. Although restricting the use of background checks may be infeasible in the current legal climate, policy makers are actively working to create standards for hiring individuals with Criminal History records. For example, the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission is currently revising its guidance for hiring individuals with Criminal History records. It is hard to overstate the level of interest, by both advocates and employers, in these ongoing discussions. Research insight could be incorporated into government statutes that currently bar individuals with Criminal History records from certain types of employment. Indirectly, such guidelines also would help individuals with Criminal History records trying to identify themselves to employers as “good bets.” Key elements of a research plan needed to develop this idea further include: 1. Formalizing the argument with a theoretical model that can be explicitly parameterized. Key elements of the argument depend crucially on factors such as the size of the desisting population, the outcome in the absence of effective signals, and the magnitude of the correlation between the cost of the signal and desistance. Proper specification of the requirements for effective signals in this context could then inform empirical tests of the model. 2. Empirical testing for evidence that employers are already using factors such as program completion as signals. This testing can include surveys of employers who hire individuals with Criminal History records to develop some idea of how they discriminate between individuals with Criminal History records. Other potential methods include attempts to compare labor market outcomes of individuals with otherwise similar skill levels, one who has identifiably completed a program and one who has not. Empirical research testing the strength of the link between the concept of crime desistance and work productivity also would be valuable. 3. Calculating the relative costs of programs that provide signals with more traditional risk prediction tools that take advantage of currently available information. Creating these programs to generate signals only can be justified if the additional information generates savings over and above what can be gained by more passive methods. 4. Better understanding the trade-offs between maintaining voluntary programs to generate signals and creating mandatory programs, like Project HOPE, that might enhance rehabilitation. Although signaling and rehabilitation are not competing concepts, the requirement that signals be voluntarily acquired could potentially conflict with mandatory rehabilitation programs. In the short term, it might not be necessary to wait for the completion of this research before policy makers can make progress in this area. We are aware of one set of programs, often called Certificates of Relief, Rehabilitation, or Good Conduct, by which policy makers explicitly identify individuals with Criminal History records who have met certain requirements, including program completion. In the strongest cases, these certificates carry with them explicit removal of statutory restrictions on individuals with Criminal History records. In our view, these government-run programs are an attempt to create an explicit signal for employers that these individuals have desisted from crime. However, we are not aware of attempts to validate the standards used to qualify individuals for these certificates, nor are we aware of attempts to verify whether these signals work to create better opportunities for the involved individuals. We urge those involved in these programs to redouble their efforts to validate these promising programs.

  • the predictive value of Criminal background checks do age and Criminal History affect time to redemption
    Criminology, 2011
    Co-Authors: Shawn D Bushway, Paul Nieuwbeerta, Arjan Blokland
    Abstract:

    Criminal record checks are being used increasingly by decision makers to predict future unwanted behaviors. A central question these decision makers face is how much time it takes before offenders can be considered “redeemed” and resemble nonoffenders in terms of the probability of offending. Building on a small literature addressing this topic for youthful, first-time offenders, the current article asks whether this period differs across the age of last conviction and the total number of prior convictions. Using long-term longitudinal data on a Dutch conviction cohort, we find that young novice offenders are redeemed after approximately 10 years of remaining crime free. For older offenders, the redemption period is considerably shorter. Offenders with extensive Criminal histories, however, either never resemble their nonconvicted counterparts or only do so after a crime-free period of more than 20 years. Practical and theoretical implications of these findings are discussed.

  • the effect of Criminal background checks on hiring ex offenders
    Criminology and public policy, 2008
    Co-Authors: Michael A Stoll, Shawn D Bushway
    Abstract:

    Research Summary The rapid increase in the nation's incarceration rate over the past decade has raised questions about how to reintegrate a growing number of ex-offenders successfully. Employment has been shown to be an important factor in reintegration, especially for men over the age of 27 years who characterize most individuals released from prison. This article explores this question using unique establishment-level data collected in Los Angeles in 2001. On average, we replicate the now-common finding that employer-initiated Criminal background checks are negatively related to the hiring of ex-offenders. However, this negative effect is less than complete. The effect is strongly negative for those employers that are legally required to perform background checks, which is not surprising because these legal requirements to perform checks are paired with legal prohibitions against hiring ex-offenders. However, some employers seem to perform checks to gain additional information about ex-offenders (and thus hire more ex-offenders than other employers), and checking seems to have no effect on hiring ex-offenders for those employers not legally required to perform checks. Policy Implications One public policy initiative that has received considerable attention is to deny employers access to Criminal History record information, which includes movements to “ban the box” that inquires about Criminal History information on job applications. The assumption underlying this movement is that knowledge of ex-offender status leads directly to a refusal to hire. The results of this analysis show that policy initiatives aimed at restricting background checks, particularly for those firms not legally required to perform checks, may not have the desired consequences of increasing ex-offender employment. This result is consistent with an alternative view that some employers care about the characteristics of the Criminal History record and use information about Criminal History in a more nuanced, nondiscrete way.

  • the inextricable link between age and Criminal History in sentencing
    Crime & Delinquency, 2007
    Co-Authors: Shawn D Bushway, Anne Morrison Piehl
    Abstract:

    In sentencing research, significant negative coefficients on age research have been interpreted as evidence that actors in the Criminal justice system discriminate against younger people. This interpretation is incomplete. Criminal sentencing laws generally specify punishment in terms of the number of past events in a defendant’s Criminal History. Doing so inadvertently makes age a meaningful variable because older people have had more time to accumulate Criminal History events. Therefore, two people of different ages with the same Criminal History are not in fact equal. This is true for pure retributivists, as the fact that the younger offender has been committing crimes at a higher rate of offending may make the younger offender more culpable, and is also true for those with some utilitarian aims for sentencing. Simulation results illustrate the stakes. To a certain extent, the interests of low-rate older offenders are opposed to those of high-rate younger offenders.