The Experts below are selected from a list of 5649 Experts worldwide ranked by ideXlab platform
Gulzat Botoeva - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
-
The Local Drug Economy: The Case of Hashish Production in a post-Soviet Kyrgyz Village
2016Co-Authors: Gulzat BotoevaAbstract:This multi-method study is about small-scale illegal production of Hashish in a mountainous village in north-eastern part of Kyrgyzstan. It demonstrates that drug production in Toolu is the result of a combination of factors: 1) economic transformations undertaken during the 1990s in most of the post-Soviet countries and the difficult conditions under which the agricultural mountainous economy operated as a result; 2) the legitimation of Hashish making by drug producing community due to perceived injustice towards people who had to survive without any state support while the elite was corrupted and governance of drug control was inconsistent; and 3) the integration of illegal Hashish production to the local economy and culture. My findings derive from extensive fieldwork based on a case study of Toolu village, located in the Tyup region of Issyk-Kul oblast. I spent nine months in Tyup, between 2009 and 2010 undertaking a mixed method study in which I collected sixty semi-structured interviews with farmers, two interviews with the representatives of law enforcement, made a participant observation of farmer’s livelihoods, and conducted a survey of 147 households. The study fills the gap in the drug market literature by presenting the case of Hashish production that started as an economic necessity but was pushed into the sphere of traditional and cultural practices that helped the local population to legitimate this illegal activity. It further contributes to the debate on drug markets presenting the drug producers as farmers that deal with the economic, social and political issues as any other citizens of the country. Hashish production was not part of the agricultural activities of the local population of the region during Soviet times but became one of a number of strategies for survival and later one of the entrepreneurial diversifications of income generating strategies. Farmers had to become entrepreneurial and diversify their income to overcome the problems encountered with farm insolvency due to the neoliberalization of the economy. However, as farmers were not part of any organized groups they needed to legitimate their illegal activity. I argue that this was possible through claiming that they had a right to subsistence and right to protection from the state, which was denied to them follwoing the collapse of Soviet Union. My case study also demonstrates that cases of corruption among elites deepened the distrust of the state, and lack of governance of drug production by law enforcement contributed further to the legitimation of illegal Hashish production. The moral economy of Hashish production would not be possible without adopting some informal control mechanisms to drug producers. I also argue that due to local demands to be part of the community, Hashish is also used as a source of support. My findings provide detailed discussion of the use of drug money in enriching and maintaining the social community. Overall, this ethnographic study of Hashish production in one of the regions of Kyrgyzstan provides rich details of how illegal Hashish economy contributes to the legal agricultural economy and culture in the post-Soviet region.
-
The monetization of social celebrations in rural Kyrgyzstan: on the uses of Hashish money
Central Asian Survey, 2015Co-Authors: Gulzat BotoevaAbstract:This article focuses on the embeddedness of Hashish production in the local economy of Toolu, a village in Kyrgyzstan. It explores how transformations in social relationships and the monetization of gift giving put constant pressure on families to find cash in a semi-subsistence agricultural economy. Although not produced on an industrial scale in the community, Hashish is used as a cash crop in times of deficit. Based on a mixed-methods study combining ethnographic fieldwork with survey data, I show how the Hashish economy is intertwined with different forms of reciprocal relationships based on gift-giving practices and the monetization of social relationships. In doing so, I illustrate how the Hashish economy is embedded in local livelihoods and shapes emerging forms of economic morality in Kyrgyz society.
-
Hashish as cash in a post-Soviet Kyrgyz village
The International journal on drug policy, 2014Co-Authors: Gulzat BotoevaAbstract:Abstract Background This paper discusses how Hashish produced by the local population of Tyup, Kyrgyzstan became an important source of cash in an agricultural semi-subsistence economy. Methods The paper is based on a research study conducted between 2009 and 2010 that adopted a mixed-method approach to data collection. I gathered 64 semi-structured interviews, 147 structured interviews and made ethnographic observations of the livelihoods of the people of Toolu village in Tyup region. Results The local population of the region became involved in Hashish production due to a cash deficit in both the agricultural economy and wider society from the beginning of the 1990s. Privatization of land as a consequence of the neoliberalization of the economy left many families with small share lands which are insufficient to provide market surplus. Agricultural products, therefore, are mainly consumed by the majority of farmers, turning the economy of the region into a semi-subsistence agricultural economy. In the context of such a cash deficit economy, wild-growing cannabis plants are used not only as a cash crop but are symbolically turned into a form of cash and a source of informal credit. People can pay for goods with Hashish as well as obtain advance payments and credits for it. I argue that Hashish making assists the agricultural rural economy by allowing people to obtain goods, advance payments and credits to use for the cultivation of land, their everyday needs and maintaining social relationships. I also argue that many local farmers, who do not consider themselves as criminals, were able to become involved in this activity by shifting the meaning of Hashish and Hashish making from an illegal activity to a culturally valued and justifiable form of economic activity. Conclusion This allows me to show that the local drug economy in Tyup serves as a lens through which to examine the strategies through which illegal and illicit drug production becomes culturally acceptable. Understanding of Hashish production in this local context of the semi-subsistence agricultural economy operating in a constant deficit of cash provides rich data for effective evidence-based policy.
Sabrina Bouanani - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
-
Characterization of Algerian-Seized Hashish Over Eight Years (2011-2018). Part I: Physical Categorization.
Journal of forensic sciences, 2020Co-Authors: Yacine Boumrah, Salem Baroudi, Mohamed Kecir, Sabrina BouananiAbstract:Data on the physical characteristics of North African Hashish are scarce. This article exploits Hashish seizure data collected over an 8-year period (2011-2018) in Algeria in order to establish a physical profile of North African Hashish. The collected data were subjected to statistical analysis in order to characterize the three main forms in which North African Hashish is packaged, namely Hashish bags, Hashish packets, and Hashish units (slab bars). The study revealed that 82% of Hashish bags weigh 25 kg that Hashish bags are made either as a handbag or as a back bag that they are most often wrapped with woven plastic. Two Hashish bag configurations were identified-Bag-Packet-Unit (79%) and Bag-Unit (21%)-and 81% of the total studied bags featured logos. Hashish packets contain the units, which are wrapped with three to five different types of packaging to constitute packets of 0.5 kg (65%) or 1 kg (32%), with two different configurations including 100- or 250-g units. Hashish packets are mainly covered with adhesive tape, and only 18% of them feature inscriptions. Hashish units are found in three different shapes: slab bar (most common), soap bar, and egg-shaped bar. Sixty-five percent of the North African Hashish slab bars have a weight of 100 g; other weights are 250 g (20%), 90 g (10%), and 200 g (2%). Most of the 90-100 g units have a light brown color, and 200-250 g units are dark brown in color. Sixty-four percent of Hashish units contain logos. Five logo classes were identified: letters (37%), numbers (27%), symbols (23%), animals (11%), and, more recently, "paper logos" at just 2%, exclusively reserved for high-quality Hashish and entirely intended for the European market. The findings of this work allow for the establishment of a profiling platform of Hashish seizures in this region and can be generalized to all countries that report this region as the primary source of seized Hashish within their territory.
-
Characterization of Algerian-Seized Hashish Over Eight Years (2011-2018). Part II: Chemical Categorization.
Journal of Forensic Sciences, 2020Co-Authors: Yacine Boumrah, Salem Baroudi, Mohamed Kecir, Sabrina BouananiAbstract:Data on the physical characteristics of North African Hashish are scarce. This article exploits Hashish seizure data collected over an 8-year period (2011-2018) in Algeria in order to establish a physical profile of North African Hashish. The collected data were subjected to statistical analysis in order to characterize the three main forms in which North African Hashish is packaged, namely Hashish bags, Hashish packets, and Hashish units (slab bars). The study revealed that 82% of Hashish bags weigh 25 kg that Hashish bags are made either as a handbag or as a back bag that they are most often wrapped with woven plastic. Two Hashish bag configurations were identified-Bag-Packet-Unit (79%) and Bag-Unit (21%)-and 81% of the total studied bags featured logos. Hashish packets contain the units, which are wrapped with three to five different types of packaging to constitute packets of 0.5 kg (65%) or 1 kg (32%), with two different configurations including 100- or 250-g units. Hashish packets are mainly covered with adhesive tape, and only 18% of them feature inscriptions. Hashish units are found in three different shapes: slab bar (most common), soap bar, and egg-shaped bar. Sixty-five percent of the North African Hashish slab bars have a weight of 100 g; other weights are 250 g (20%), 90 g (10%), and 200 g (2%). Most of the 90-100 g units have a light brown color, and 200-250 g units are dark brown in color. Sixty-four percent of Hashish units contain logos. Five logo classes were identified: letters (37%), numbers (27%), symbols (23%), animals (11%), and, more recently, "paper logos" at just 2%, exclusively reserved for high-quality Hashish and entirely intended for the European market. The findings of this work allow for the establishment of a profiling platform of Hashish seizures in this region and can be generalized to all countries that report this region as the primary source of seized Hashish within their territory.
Maria Rosvall - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
-
Daily tobacco smoking, heavy alcohol use, and Hashish use among adolescents in southern Sweden: A population-based multilevel study
Addictive behaviors reports, 2015Co-Authors: Martin Lindström, Maria RosvallAbstract:Abstract Introduction The aim of this study was to investigate school contextual effects on daily tobacco smoking, heavy alcohol use and Hashish use among adolescents, using multilevel analyses adjusting for individual-level factors. Methods The 2012 public health survey among adolescents in Skane includes pupils in ninth grade in primary school (predominantly 15–16 years old) and second grade in secondary school (gymnasium) (predominantly 17–18 years old). Multilevel logistic regressions were performed. Results The prevalence of all three behaviors was higher in the second grade in the gymnasium. Several sociodemographic, psychosocial and parental factors were associated with these behaviors. In the ninth grade, variance partition coefficients (VPCs) for tobacco smoking decreased from 10.2% in the empty model to 1.9% in the fully adjusted model, for heavy alcohol use from 6.5% to 6.3%, while VPCs for Hashish increased from 9.9% to 11.0%. In the second grade, VPCs for daily tobacco smoking decreased from 13.6% in the empty model to 6.5% in the fully adjusted model, VPCs for heavy alcohol use decreased from 4.6% to 1.7%, and VPCs for Hashish use increased from 7.3% to 8.3%. Conclusions Daily tobacco smoking (in both grades) and heavy alcohol use in the second grade in the gymnasium may be preventable by actions directed against individual-level protective factors including social capital, social support and peer/parent behavior and attitude, while interventions directed at school contexts may be more important for alcohol use in the ninth grade and Hashish use in both grades.
Jean-jacques Filippi - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
-
Multidimensional analysis of cannabis volatile constituents: Identification of 5,5-dimethyl-1-vinylbicyclo[2.1.1]hexane as a volatile marker of Hashish, the resin of Cannabis sativa L.
Journal of chromatography. A, 2014Co-Authors: Marie Marchini, Céline Charvoz, Laurence Dujourdy, Nicolas Baldovini, Jean-jacques FilippiAbstract:The volatile constituents of drug samples derived from Cannabis sativa L. were investigated by means of headspace solid phase microextraction (HS-SPME) and gas chromatography techniques (GC-MS, GC×GC-MS). Samples of cannabis herb and Hashish showed clear differences in their volatile chemical profiles, mostly resulting from photo-oxidation processes occurring during the transformation of fresh cannabis herb into Hashish. Most unexpectedly, we could demonstrate Hashish samples as containing remarkable amounts of a rare and unusual monoterpene - 5,5-dimethyl-1-vinylbicyclo[2.1.1]hexane - among the volatile compounds detected in their headspaces. We gave evidence for the formation of this compound from the light induced rearrangement of β-myrcene during the manufacture of Hashish. In view of its high abundance among volatile constituents of cannabis resin and its scarce occurrence in other natural volatile extracts, we propose to rename this specific monoterpene Hashishene.
Yacine Boumrah - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
-
Characterization of Algerian-Seized Hashish Over Eight Years (2011-2018). Part I: Physical Categorization.
Journal of forensic sciences, 2020Co-Authors: Yacine Boumrah, Salem Baroudi, Mohamed Kecir, Sabrina BouananiAbstract:Data on the physical characteristics of North African Hashish are scarce. This article exploits Hashish seizure data collected over an 8-year period (2011-2018) in Algeria in order to establish a physical profile of North African Hashish. The collected data were subjected to statistical analysis in order to characterize the three main forms in which North African Hashish is packaged, namely Hashish bags, Hashish packets, and Hashish units (slab bars). The study revealed that 82% of Hashish bags weigh 25 kg that Hashish bags are made either as a handbag or as a back bag that they are most often wrapped with woven plastic. Two Hashish bag configurations were identified-Bag-Packet-Unit (79%) and Bag-Unit (21%)-and 81% of the total studied bags featured logos. Hashish packets contain the units, which are wrapped with three to five different types of packaging to constitute packets of 0.5 kg (65%) or 1 kg (32%), with two different configurations including 100- or 250-g units. Hashish packets are mainly covered with adhesive tape, and only 18% of them feature inscriptions. Hashish units are found in three different shapes: slab bar (most common), soap bar, and egg-shaped bar. Sixty-five percent of the North African Hashish slab bars have a weight of 100 g; other weights are 250 g (20%), 90 g (10%), and 200 g (2%). Most of the 90-100 g units have a light brown color, and 200-250 g units are dark brown in color. Sixty-four percent of Hashish units contain logos. Five logo classes were identified: letters (37%), numbers (27%), symbols (23%), animals (11%), and, more recently, "paper logos" at just 2%, exclusively reserved for high-quality Hashish and entirely intended for the European market. The findings of this work allow for the establishment of a profiling platform of Hashish seizures in this region and can be generalized to all countries that report this region as the primary source of seized Hashish within their territory.
-
Characterization of Algerian-Seized Hashish Over Eight Years (2011-2018). Part II: Chemical Categorization.
Journal of Forensic Sciences, 2020Co-Authors: Yacine Boumrah, Salem Baroudi, Mohamed Kecir, Sabrina BouananiAbstract:Data on the physical characteristics of North African Hashish are scarce. This article exploits Hashish seizure data collected over an 8-year period (2011-2018) in Algeria in order to establish a physical profile of North African Hashish. The collected data were subjected to statistical analysis in order to characterize the three main forms in which North African Hashish is packaged, namely Hashish bags, Hashish packets, and Hashish units (slab bars). The study revealed that 82% of Hashish bags weigh 25 kg that Hashish bags are made either as a handbag or as a back bag that they are most often wrapped with woven plastic. Two Hashish bag configurations were identified-Bag-Packet-Unit (79%) and Bag-Unit (21%)-and 81% of the total studied bags featured logos. Hashish packets contain the units, which are wrapped with three to five different types of packaging to constitute packets of 0.5 kg (65%) or 1 kg (32%), with two different configurations including 100- or 250-g units. Hashish packets are mainly covered with adhesive tape, and only 18% of them feature inscriptions. Hashish units are found in three different shapes: slab bar (most common), soap bar, and egg-shaped bar. Sixty-five percent of the North African Hashish slab bars have a weight of 100 g; other weights are 250 g (20%), 90 g (10%), and 200 g (2%). Most of the 90-100 g units have a light brown color, and 200-250 g units are dark brown in color. Sixty-four percent of Hashish units contain logos. Five logo classes were identified: letters (37%), numbers (27%), symbols (23%), animals (11%), and, more recently, "paper logos" at just 2%, exclusively reserved for high-quality Hashish and entirely intended for the European market. The findings of this work allow for the establishment of a profiling platform of Hashish seizures in this region and can be generalized to all countries that report this region as the primary source of seized Hashish within their territory.
