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Jeff Macswan - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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codeswitching and generative grammar a critique of the mlf model and some remarks on modified minimalism
Bilingualism: Language and Cognition, 2005Co-Authors: Jeff MacswanAbstract:This article presents an empirical and theoretical critique of the Matrix Language Frame (MLF) model (Myers-Scotton, 1993; Myers-Scotton and Jake, 2001), and includes a response to Jake, Myers-Scotton and Gross's (2002) (JMSG) critique of MacSwan (1999, 2000) and reactions to their revision of the MLF model as a “modified Minimalist approach”. The author argues that although a new structural definition of the Matrix Language (ML) makes the MLF model falsifiable, its empirical predictions are inconsistent with the facts of codeswitching (CS). The author also identifies significant theoretical problems associated with the MLF model, and suggests that it be rejected on empirical and theoretical grounds, and on grounds of scientific parsimony. In addition, the author contends that JMSG's critique of the Minimalist approach to CS rests on conceptually significant misreadings of published research in CS and in the theory of syntax, and that JMSG fail to motivate their central claim, namely, that a Minimalist approach to CS cannot succeed without incorporating the ML construct. It is further shown that an analysis of the CS facts which JMSG consider as their test case may be straightforwardly pursued within the Minimalist Program without appealing to the ML construct or any other aspect of the MLF model. The author concludes with the recommendation that research on CS depart from the formulation of general CS-specific constraints like the MLF model and engage in the task of analyzing language contact phenomena in terms of independently motivated constructs of linguistic theory.
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the architecture of the bilingual language faculty evidence from intrasentential code switching
Bilingualism: Language and Cognition, 2000Co-Authors: Jeff MacswanAbstract:In this article, the author addresses the question of how the mind represents two languages in simultaneous bilingualism. Some linguistic theories of intrasentential code switching are reviewed, with a focus on the Minimalist approach of MacSwan (1999b); the author concludes that evidence from code switching suggests that bilinguals have discrete and separate Lexicons for the languages they speak, each with its own internal principles of word formation, as well as separate phonological systems. However, the author argues that computational resources common to the two languages generate monolingual and bilingual syntactic derivations alike. Advantages of the Minimalist Program for the analysis of code switching data are discussed at some length.
Jairo Nunes - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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linearization of chains and sideward movement
2004Co-Authors: Jairo NunesAbstract:This highly original monograph treats movement operations within the Minimalist Program. Jairo Nunes argues that traces are not grammatical primitives and that their properties follow from deeper features of the system, and, in particular, that the phonetic realization of traces is determined by linearization computations coupled with economy conditions regarding deletion. He proposes a version of the copy theory of movement according to which movement must be construed as a description of the interaction of the independent operations Copy, Merge, Form Chain, and Chain Reduction. Empirical evidence to support this claim includes instances of "sideward movement" between subtrees in a derivation. According to this analysis, the linearization of chains in the phonological component constrains sideward movement so that it is possible to account for standard properties of multiple gap constructions, including parasitic gap and ATB constructions, without construction-specific operations or principles that are not independently motivated.Theoretical linguists will find Linearization of Chains and Sideward Movement of great interest both theoretically and empirically. The version of the copy theory of movement proposed by Nunes will stir debate and shape future research in the field.
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cyclicity and extraction domains
Syntax, 2000Co-Authors: Jairo Nunes, Juan UriagerekaAbstract:This paper attempts to provide a Minimalist analysis of CED effects (see Huang 1982) in terms of derivational dynamics in a cyclic system. Assuming Uriagereka's (1999) Multiple Spell-out system, we argue that CED effects arise when a syntactic object K that is required at a given derivational step has become inaccessible to the computational system at a previous derivational stage, when the chunk of structure containing K was spelled out. Assuming Nunes's (1995, 1998) analysis of parasitic gaps in terms of sideward movement, we argue that standard parasitic gap constructions do not exhibit CED effects because K manages to move to a different derivational workspace before the structure containing it is spelled out. Finally, we provide an account of the cases where parasitic gap constructions appear to show CED effects by relying on cyclic access to the numeration, along the lines proposed by Chomsky (1998). If something distinguishes the Minimalist Program of Chomsky (1995, 1998) from other models within the principles-and-parameters framework, that is the assumption that the language faculty is an optimal solution to legibility conditions imposed by external systems. From this perspective, a main desideratum of the Program is to derive substantive principles from interface (''bare output'') conditions, and formal principles from economy conditions. It is thus natural that part of the Minimalist agenda is devoted to reevaluating the theoretical apparatus developed within the principles-and-parameters framework, with the goal of explaining on more solid conceptual grounds the wealth of empirical material uncovered in the past decades. This paper takes some steps towards this goal by deriving Condition on Extraction Domains
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the copy theory of movement and linearization of chains in the Minimalist Program
Glot international, 1995Co-Authors: Jairo Nunes, H M GartnerAbstract:L'A. propose un resume de sa these qui developpe une version strictement Minimaliste de la theorie du copiage du mouvement en eliminant les problemes conceptuels releves dans les analyses de Chomsky. Il tente notamment d'expliquer pourquoi seules les traces sont effacees pour la linearisation et pas les tetes de chaines. Ce resume est suivi d'un compte rendu redige par H.M. Gartner qui souligne les points forts et les faiblesses de la these
H M Gartner - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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the copy theory of movement and linearization of chains in the Minimalist Program
Glot international, 1995Co-Authors: Jairo Nunes, H M GartnerAbstract:L'A. propose un resume de sa these qui developpe une version strictement Minimaliste de la theorie du copiage du mouvement en eliminant les problemes conceptuels releves dans les analyses de Chomsky. Il tente notamment d'expliquer pourquoi seules les traces sont effacees pour la linearisation et pas les tetes de chaines. Ce resume est suivi d'un compte rendu redige par H.M. Gartner qui souligne les points forts et les faiblesses de la these
Zocca, Cynthia Levart - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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O que não esta la? : um estudo sobre morfologia flexional em elipses
[s.n.], 2018Co-Authors: Zocca, Cynthia LevartAbstract:Orientador: Jairo Morais NunesDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da LinguagemResumo: Esta dissertação trata da relação entre sintaxe e morfologia que pode ser observada através de sentenças contendo elipses. A análise proposta tem como base o arcabouço teórico do Programa Minimalista de Chomsky (1995, 1999, 2000) e a Morfologia Distribuída de Halle e Marantz (1993). A principal questão levantada diz respeito à necessidade de identidade entre o elemento elidido e seu antecedente. Em primeiro lugar faço a distinção entre dois processos anafóricos descritos por Hankamer e Sag (1976): anáforas profundas, que não têm conteúdo sintático, e anáforas superficiais, que têm conteúdo sintático. Aponto que um dos critérios para identificar anáforas superficiais, identidade estrita entre o antecedente e a elipse, nem sempre parece se aplicar. Mostro que a falta de identidade entre o antecedente e a elipse é apenas aparente, pois existe um ponto da derivação sintática em que são idênticos, sendo que nos dois locais o que existe é um radical e afixos de Caso, tempo ou concordância. Tais afixos são valorados através da operação Agree de Chomsky (1999,2000). Dentro do Programa Minimalista, existem duas formas de eliminar traços não-interpretáveis: através do movimento coberto de traços, Move F (Chomsky 1995) ou de concordância local sem movimento, Agree (Chomsky 1999, 2000). Mostro que os dados de elipse apresentados favorecem uma análise através de Agree. Além disso os dados também favorecem uma abordagem para a derivação de elipses que se vale de apagamento em PF, e não reconstrução em LF. Por fim, analiso casos de elipses envolvendo expressões inerentemente negativas ou positivas e os verbos ser e estar, que parecem ser contra-exemplos para a análise com Agree e apagamento em PF proposta. Mostro, no entanto, que tais casos podem ser explicados dentro da análise proposta considerando-se que se tratam de elementos inerentemente especificadosAbstract: This thesis deals with the relationship between syntax and morphology that can be established from sentences containing ellipsis. The proposed analysis is based on the theoretical background of Chomsky's (1995, 1999, 2000) Minimalist Program and the Distributed Morphology of Halle and Marantz (1993). The main issue raised concerns the necessity of identity between the elided element and its antecedent. First of ali I distinguish between two anaphoric processes described by Hankamer and Sag (1976): deep anaphora, which has no syntactic content, and surface anaphora, which has syntactic content. I point out that one criterion used to identify surface anaphora, i.e. strict identity between the antecedent and the ellipsis, does not always apply. I argue that the lack of identity between the antecedent and the ellipsis is just apparent, for there is a point in the syntactic derivation in which both sites are actually filled with a root plus Case, tense or agreement affixes. Such affixes enter the derivation unvalued and have their values set under the operation Agree Chomsky (1999, 2000). In the Minimalist Program, there are two ways of checking and eliminating uninterpretable features: through covert feature movement, Move F (Chomsky 1995) or local agreement with no movement, through the operation Agree (Chomsky 1999, 2000). I show that the ellipsis data presented favor an analysis using Agree. Furthermore, the data also favor an approach for the derivation of ellipsis using PF deletion instead of LF reconstruction. Finally, I analyze cases of ellipsis involving inherently negative or positive expressions and the verb be, which seem to be counter-examples to the Agree - PF deletion analysis. I show, however, that these cases can be explained under the proposed analysis, taking into account that these elements are inherently specified.MestradoMestre em Linguístic
Cynthia Levart Zocca - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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O que não esta la? : um estudo sobre morfologia flexional em elipses
2017Co-Authors: Cynthia Levart ZoccaAbstract:Resumo: Esta dissertação trata da relação entre sintaxe e morfologia que pode ser observada através de sentenças contendo elipses. A análise proposta tem como base o arcabouço teórico do Programa Minimalista de Chomsky (1995, 1999, 2000) e a Morfologia Distribuída de Halle e Marantz (1993). A principal questão levantada diz respeito à necessidade de identidade entre o elemento elidido e seu antecedente. Em primeiro lugar faço a distinção entre dois processos anafóricos descritos por Hankamer e Sag (1976): anáforas profundas, que não têm conteúdo sintático, e anáforas superficiais, que têm conteúdo sintático. Aponto que um dos critérios para identificar anáforas superficiais, identidade estrita entre o antecedente e a elipse, nem sempre parece se aplicar. Mostro que a falta de identidade entre o antecedente e a elipse é apenas aparente, pois existe um ponto da derivação sintática em que são idênticos, sendo que nos dois locais o que existe é um radical e afixos de Caso, tempo ou concordância. Tais afixos são valorados através da operação Agree de Chomsky (1999,2000). Dentro do Programa Minimalista, existem duas formas de eliminar traços não-interpretáveis: através do movimento coberto de traços, Move F (Chomsky 1995) ou de concordância local sem movimento, Agree (Chomsky 1999, 2000). Mostro que os dados de elipse apresentados favorecem uma análise através de Agree. Além disso os dados também favorecem uma abordagem para a derivação de elipses que se vale de apagamento em PF, e não reconstrução em LF. Por fim, analiso casos de elipses envolvendo expressões inerentemente negativas ou positivas e os verbos ser e estar, que parecem ser contra-exemplos para a análise com Agree e apagamento em PF proposta. Mostro, no entanto, que tais casos podem ser explicados dentro da análise proposta considerando-se que se tratam de elementos inerentemente especificadosAbstract: This thesis deals with the relationship between syntax and morphology that can be established from sentences containing ellipsis. The proposed analysis is based on the theoretical background of Chomsky's (1995, 1999, 2000) Minimalist Program and the Distributed Morphology of Halle and Marantz (1993). The main issue raised concerns the necessity of identity between the elided element and its antecedent. First of ali I distinguish between two anaphoric processes described by Hankamer and Sag (1976): deep anaphora, which has no syntactic content, and surface anaphora, which has syntactic content. I point out that one criterion used to identify surface anaphora, i.e. strict identity between the antecedent and the ellipsis, does not always apply. I argue that the lack of identity between the antecedent and the ellipsis is just apparent, for there is a point in the syntactic derivation in which both sites are actually filled with a root plus Case, tense or agreement affixes. Such affixes enter the derivation unvalued and have their values set under the operation Agree Chomsky (1999, 2000). In the Minimalist Program, there are two ways of checking and eliminating uninterpretable features: through covert feature movement, Move F (Chomsky 1995) or local agreement with no movement, through the operation Agree (Chomsky 1999, 2000). I show that the ellipsis data presented favor an analysis using Agree. Furthermore, the data also favor an approach for the derivation of ellipsis using PF deletion instead of LF reconstruction. Finally, I analyze cases of ellipsis involving inherently negative or positive expressions and the verb be, which seem to be counter-examples to the Agree - PF deletion analysis. I show, however, that these cases can be explained under the proposed analysis, taking into account that these elements are inherently specifie