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Yuejia Luo - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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temporal course of emotional Negativity bias an erp study
Neuroscience Letters, 2006Co-Authors: Yuxia Huang, Yuejia LuoAbstract:There is considerable evidence that people are especially sensitive to emotionally negative materials. However, the temporal course of the Negativity bias is still unclear. To address this issue, we observed the changes of P2, late positive components (LPC) and lateralized readiness potential (LRP) under positive, negative and neutral conditions, with International Affective Picture System (IAPS) pictures as emotional stimuli. We found that the amplitude of P2 in the negative block was significantly larger than that in the positive block, indicating that the attentional Negativity bias occured very early in emotion perception. The LPC amplitude evoked by negative pictures was larger than that by positive and neutral pictures, suggesting that the Negativity bias also occurred in a later evaluation stage of emotion processing. The response-locked LRP interval was shortest in the block of negative pictures, indicating that the negative contents elicited a reaction priming effect. Above all, this research showed that emotional Negativity bias could occur in several temporal stages distinguished by attention, evaluation and reaction readiness periods.
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semantic and syntactic processing in chinese sentence comprehension evidence from event related potentials
Brain Research, 2006Co-Authors: Yuejia Luo, Angela D. Friederici, Xiaolin ZhouAbstract:An ERP experiment was conducted to explore semantic and syntactic processes as well as their interplay in Chinese sentence comprehension. Participants were auditorily presented with Chinese ba sentences, which were either correct, semantically incorrect, syntactically incorrect, or both semantically and syntactically incorrect. The syntactic violation, which was created by eliminating the object-noun phrase from a preposition-object phrase structure, elicited an early starting anterior Negativity which merged into a sustained Negativity over anterior sites and a temporally limited centro-parietal Negativity. The semantic violation elicited an early starting N400 effect. The combined violation in which the syntactic phrase structure violation and the semantic violation were crossed elicited an early staring sustained anterior Negativity similar to the pure syntactic effect, and a Centroparietal Negativity which was more negative than those of the syntactic condition and the semantic condition. No P600 was obtained neither for the syntactic nor for the combined condition. The results suggest that the syntactic processes (at about 50 ms) appear earlier than the semantic processes (at around 150 ms). They are independent from each other in the early time window (150-250 ms) but interact in a later processing phase (250-400 ms) during Chinese ba sentence comprehension. The broadly distributed Negativity, which occurred during the N400 latency range observed in the three violation conditions, is thought to reflect thematic integration processes in the sentence-final position. (C) 2005 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.
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Semantic and syntactic processing in Chinese sentence comprehension: Evidence from event-related potentials
Brain research, 2006Co-Authors: Yuejia Luo, Angela D. Friederici, Xiaolin ZhouAbstract:An ERP experiment was conducted to explore semantic and syntactic processes as well as their interplay in Chinese sentence comprehension. Participants were auditorily presented with Chinese ba sentences, which were either correct, semantically incorrect, syntactically incorrect, or both semantically and syntactically incorrect. The syntactic violation, which was created by eliminating the object-noun phrase from a preposition-object phrase structure, elicited an early starting anterior Negativity which merged into a sustained Negativity over anterior sites and a temporally limited centro-parietal Negativity. The semantic violation elicited an early starting N400 effect. The combined violation in which the syntactic phrase structure violation and the semantic violation were crossed elicited an early staring sustained anterior Negativity similar to the pure syntactic effect, and a centro-parietal Negativity which was more negative than those of the syntactic condition and the semantic condition. No P600 was obtained neither for the syntactic nor for the combined condition. The results suggest that the syntactic processes (at about 50 ms) appear earlier than the semantic processes (at around 150 ms). They are independent from each other in the early time window (150-250 ms) but interact in a later processing phase (250-400 ms) during Chinese ba sentence comprehension. The broadly distributed Negativity, which occurred during the N400 latency range observed in the three violation conditions, is thought to reflect thematic integration processes in the sentence-final position.
Angela D. Friederici - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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semantic and syntactic processing in chinese sentence comprehension evidence from event related potentials
Brain Research, 2006Co-Authors: Yuejia Luo, Angela D. Friederici, Xiaolin ZhouAbstract:An ERP experiment was conducted to explore semantic and syntactic processes as well as their interplay in Chinese sentence comprehension. Participants were auditorily presented with Chinese ba sentences, which were either correct, semantically incorrect, syntactically incorrect, or both semantically and syntactically incorrect. The syntactic violation, which was created by eliminating the object-noun phrase from a preposition-object phrase structure, elicited an early starting anterior Negativity which merged into a sustained Negativity over anterior sites and a temporally limited centro-parietal Negativity. The semantic violation elicited an early starting N400 effect. The combined violation in which the syntactic phrase structure violation and the semantic violation were crossed elicited an early staring sustained anterior Negativity similar to the pure syntactic effect, and a Centroparietal Negativity which was more negative than those of the syntactic condition and the semantic condition. No P600 was obtained neither for the syntactic nor for the combined condition. The results suggest that the syntactic processes (at about 50 ms) appear earlier than the semantic processes (at around 150 ms). They are independent from each other in the early time window (150-250 ms) but interact in a later processing phase (250-400 ms) during Chinese ba sentence comprehension. The broadly distributed Negativity, which occurred during the N400 latency range observed in the three violation conditions, is thought to reflect thematic integration processes in the sentence-final position. (C) 2005 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.
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Semantic and syntactic processing in Chinese sentence comprehension: Evidence from event-related potentials
Brain research, 2006Co-Authors: Yuejia Luo, Angela D. Friederici, Xiaolin ZhouAbstract:An ERP experiment was conducted to explore semantic and syntactic processes as well as their interplay in Chinese sentence comprehension. Participants were auditorily presented with Chinese ba sentences, which were either correct, semantically incorrect, syntactically incorrect, or both semantically and syntactically incorrect. The syntactic violation, which was created by eliminating the object-noun phrase from a preposition-object phrase structure, elicited an early starting anterior Negativity which merged into a sustained Negativity over anterior sites and a temporally limited centro-parietal Negativity. The semantic violation elicited an early starting N400 effect. The combined violation in which the syntactic phrase structure violation and the semantic violation were crossed elicited an early staring sustained anterior Negativity similar to the pure syntactic effect, and a centro-parietal Negativity which was more negative than those of the syntactic condition and the semantic condition. No P600 was obtained neither for the syntactic nor for the combined condition. The results suggest that the syntactic processes (at about 50 ms) appear earlier than the semantic processes (at around 150 ms). They are independent from each other in the early time window (150-250 ms) but interact in a later processing phase (250-400 ms) during Chinese ba sentence comprehension. The broadly distributed Negativity, which occurred during the N400 latency range observed in the three violation conditions, is thought to reflect thematic integration processes in the sentence-final position.
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when word category information encounters morphosyntax an erp study
Neuroscience Letters, 2005Co-Authors: Sonja Rossi, Manfred F Gugler, Anja Hahne, Angela D. FriedericiAbstract:Abstract The present study investigated the relationship between two different syntactic information types, namely word category and morphosyntax. The event-related brain potential (ERP) pattern of acoustically presented sentences containing two syntactic anomalies (word category and subject–verb agreement) was compared to the ERP response to sentences containing a single violation. The ERPs for the agreement violation revealed a left anterior Negativity (LAN) indicating the detection of the morphosyntactic error, followed by a P600 reflecting processes of reanalysis. The ERPs for both the category and the combined violation showed an early Negativity reflecting processes of phrase structure building, followed by a P600 indicating syntactic reanalysis. Additionally, a broadly distributed Negativity following the early Negativity and preceding the P600 was observed. This ERP component is suggested to reflect reference specification processes arising from the specific sentence structure used in the present study. The ERP pattern for the combined violation suggests no additivity or interaction between the two syntactic anomalies in the early time windows (early Negativity, reference-related Negativity, and LAN), whereas interactive effects are observed in a late time range (P600).
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separating syntactic memory costs and syntactic integration costs during parsing the processing of german wh questions
Journal of Memory and Language, 2002Co-Authors: Christian J Fiebach, Matthias Schlesewsky, Angela D. FriedericiAbstract:Event-related brain potentials (ERPs) were recorded while participants processed case-unambiguous German subject and object WH-questions with either a long or a short distance between the WH-filler and its gap. A sustained left anterior Negativity was observed for object questions with long filler-gap distance but not for short object questions. This Negativity was modulated by individual differences in working memory capacity. No comparable Negativity was elicited by WHETHER-questions which did not contain a filler-gap dependency. A positive-going ERP effect was observed for short and long object WH-questions at the position of the second noun phrase. We interpret the sustained Negativity as reflecting working memory processes required for maintaining the dislocated object in memory. Processing costs associated with integrating the stored element into the phrase structure representation are indicated by the local positivity. These results support the notion of separable syntactic working memory and syntactic integration cost components as causes of processing difficulty in complex sentences.
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differential task effects on semantic and syntactic processes as revealed by erps
Cognitive Brain Research, 2002Co-Authors: Anja Hahne, Angela D. FriedericiAbstract:Two experiments investigated the time-course of semantic and syntactic processes in auditory language comprehension as well as their possible functional dependencies, using event-related brain potentials (ERPs). Participants listened to sentences which were either correct, semantically incorrect, syntactically incorrect, or both semantically and syntactically incorrect. In experiment 1, participants judged the overall correctness of these sentences. The semantic violation elicited an N400 whereas the syntactic phrase structure violation elicited an early anterior Negativity followed by a P600. Sentences in which the critical element violated both semantic and syntactic constraints elicited the same pattern of ERPs as the syntactic violation alone, not evoking an N400. In experiment 2, participants judged the same sentences for semantic coherence, required to ignore syntactic violations. Again, an early anterior Negativity was elicited for those sentences containing phrase-structure errors. In contrast to experiment 1, however, combined violations elicited both an early Negativity and an N400. Together, the results suggest that the N400 associated with semantic aspects of sentence comprehension reflects controlled processes whereas initial parsing processes associated with the early anterior Negativity are independent of semantic constraints and task requirements.
Xiaolin Zhou - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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semantic and syntactic processing in chinese sentence comprehension evidence from event related potentials
Brain Research, 2006Co-Authors: Yuejia Luo, Angela D. Friederici, Xiaolin ZhouAbstract:An ERP experiment was conducted to explore semantic and syntactic processes as well as their interplay in Chinese sentence comprehension. Participants were auditorily presented with Chinese ba sentences, which were either correct, semantically incorrect, syntactically incorrect, or both semantically and syntactically incorrect. The syntactic violation, which was created by eliminating the object-noun phrase from a preposition-object phrase structure, elicited an early starting anterior Negativity which merged into a sustained Negativity over anterior sites and a temporally limited centro-parietal Negativity. The semantic violation elicited an early starting N400 effect. The combined violation in which the syntactic phrase structure violation and the semantic violation were crossed elicited an early staring sustained anterior Negativity similar to the pure syntactic effect, and a Centroparietal Negativity which was more negative than those of the syntactic condition and the semantic condition. No P600 was obtained neither for the syntactic nor for the combined condition. The results suggest that the syntactic processes (at about 50 ms) appear earlier than the semantic processes (at around 150 ms). They are independent from each other in the early time window (150-250 ms) but interact in a later processing phase (250-400 ms) during Chinese ba sentence comprehension. The broadly distributed Negativity, which occurred during the N400 latency range observed in the three violation conditions, is thought to reflect thematic integration processes in the sentence-final position. (C) 2005 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.
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Semantic and syntactic processing in Chinese sentence comprehension: Evidence from event-related potentials
Brain research, 2006Co-Authors: Yuejia Luo, Angela D. Friederici, Xiaolin ZhouAbstract:An ERP experiment was conducted to explore semantic and syntactic processes as well as their interplay in Chinese sentence comprehension. Participants were auditorily presented with Chinese ba sentences, which were either correct, semantically incorrect, syntactically incorrect, or both semantically and syntactically incorrect. The syntactic violation, which was created by eliminating the object-noun phrase from a preposition-object phrase structure, elicited an early starting anterior Negativity which merged into a sustained Negativity over anterior sites and a temporally limited centro-parietal Negativity. The semantic violation elicited an early starting N400 effect. The combined violation in which the syntactic phrase structure violation and the semantic violation were crossed elicited an early staring sustained anterior Negativity similar to the pure syntactic effect, and a centro-parietal Negativity which was more negative than those of the syntactic condition and the semantic condition. No P600 was obtained neither for the syntactic nor for the combined condition. The results suggest that the syntactic processes (at about 50 ms) appear earlier than the semantic processes (at around 150 ms). They are independent from each other in the early time window (150-250 ms) but interact in a later processing phase (250-400 ms) during Chinese ba sentence comprehension. The broadly distributed Negativity, which occurred during the N400 latency range observed in the three violation conditions, is thought to reflect thematic integration processes in the sentence-final position.
Rajiv R P Singh - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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nonzero temperature entanglement Negativity of quantum spin models area law linked cluster expansions and sudden death
Physical Review E, 2016Co-Authors: Nicholas E Sherman, Trithep Devakul, Matthew B Hastings, Rajiv R P SinghAbstract:We show that the bipartite logarithmic entanglement Negativity (EN) of quantum spin models obeys an area law at all nonzero temperatures. We develop numerical linked cluster (NLC) expansions for the ``area-law'' logarithmic entanglement Negativity as a function of temperature and other parameters. For one-dimensional models the results of NLC are compared with exact diagonalization on finite systems and are found to agree very well. The NLC results are also obtained for two dimensional $XXZ$ and transverse field Ising models. In all cases, we find a sudden onset (or sudden death) of Negativity at a finite temperature above which the Negativity is zero. We use perturbation theory to develop a physical picture for this sudden onset (or sudden death). The onset of EN or its magnitude are insensitive to classical finite-temperature phase transitions, supporting the argument for absence of any role of quantum mechanics at such transitions. On approach to a quantum critical point at $T=0$, Negativity shows critical scaling in size and temperature.
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nonzero temperature entanglement Negativity of quantum spin models area law linked cluster expansions and sudden death
Physical Review E, 2016Co-Authors: Nicholas E Sherman, Trithep Devakul, Matthew B Hastings, Rajiv R P SinghAbstract:Author(s): Sherman, NE; Devakul, T; Hastings, MB; Singh, RRP | Abstract: © 2016 American Physical Society. We show that the bipartite logarithmic entanglement Negativity (EN) of quantum spin models obeys an area law at all nonzero temperatures. We develop numerical linked cluster (NLC) expansions for the "area-law" logarithmic entanglement Negativity as a function of temperature and other parameters. For one-dimensional models the results of NLC are compared with exact diagonalization on finite systems and are found to agree very well. The NLC results are also obtained for two dimensional XXZ and transverse field Ising models. In all cases, we find a sudden onset (or sudden death) of Negativity at a finite temperature above which the Negativity is zero. We use perturbation theory to develop a physical picture for this sudden onset (or sudden death). The onset of EN or its magnitude are insensitive to classical finite-temperature phase transitions, supporting the argument for absence of any role of quantum mechanics at such transitions. On approach to a quantum critical point at T=0, Negativity shows critical scaling in size and temperature.
Nicholas E Sherman - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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nonzero temperature entanglement Negativity of quantum spin models area law linked cluster expansions and sudden death
Physical Review E, 2016Co-Authors: Nicholas E Sherman, Trithep Devakul, Matthew B Hastings, Rajiv R P SinghAbstract:We show that the bipartite logarithmic entanglement Negativity (EN) of quantum spin models obeys an area law at all nonzero temperatures. We develop numerical linked cluster (NLC) expansions for the ``area-law'' logarithmic entanglement Negativity as a function of temperature and other parameters. For one-dimensional models the results of NLC are compared with exact diagonalization on finite systems and are found to agree very well. The NLC results are also obtained for two dimensional $XXZ$ and transverse field Ising models. In all cases, we find a sudden onset (or sudden death) of Negativity at a finite temperature above which the Negativity is zero. We use perturbation theory to develop a physical picture for this sudden onset (or sudden death). The onset of EN or its magnitude are insensitive to classical finite-temperature phase transitions, supporting the argument for absence of any role of quantum mechanics at such transitions. On approach to a quantum critical point at $T=0$, Negativity shows critical scaling in size and temperature.
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nonzero temperature entanglement Negativity of quantum spin models area law linked cluster expansions and sudden death
Physical Review E, 2016Co-Authors: Nicholas E Sherman, Trithep Devakul, Matthew B Hastings, Rajiv R P SinghAbstract:Author(s): Sherman, NE; Devakul, T; Hastings, MB; Singh, RRP | Abstract: © 2016 American Physical Society. We show that the bipartite logarithmic entanglement Negativity (EN) of quantum spin models obeys an area law at all nonzero temperatures. We develop numerical linked cluster (NLC) expansions for the "area-law" logarithmic entanglement Negativity as a function of temperature and other parameters. For one-dimensional models the results of NLC are compared with exact diagonalization on finite systems and are found to agree very well. The NLC results are also obtained for two dimensional XXZ and transverse field Ising models. In all cases, we find a sudden onset (or sudden death) of Negativity at a finite temperature above which the Negativity is zero. We use perturbation theory to develop a physical picture for this sudden onset (or sudden death). The onset of EN or its magnitude are insensitive to classical finite-temperature phase transitions, supporting the argument for absence of any role of quantum mechanics at such transitions. On approach to a quantum critical point at T=0, Negativity shows critical scaling in size and temperature.
