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Daniel Bach - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • NeoPatrimonialism in Africa and beyond
    2012
    Co-Authors: Daniel Bach, Mamadou Gazibo
    Abstract:

    NeoPatrimonialism, a system whereby rulers use state resources for personal benefit and to secure the loyalty of clients in the general population, is central to any teaching or conceptualisation of contemporary African politics. This book is a theoretical and comparative study of neoPatrimonialism in Africa and across world regions. Although such practices are widespread in other parts of the world, the African neopatrimonial state has also become a global prototype of the anti-developmental state. This volume calls for a reappraisal of the genesis and interpretations of the concepts of Patrimonialism and neoPatrimonialism. Expert contributors consider recent debates in Africa through the study of democracy, clientelism, the 'big man' syndrome (Kenya), the rise of 'godfatherism' (Nigeria), 'warlordism' (Liberia) and the neopatrimonial state on a day to day basis (Niger). They discuss Patrimonialism and neoPatrimonialism from Latin America to Europe, Central Asia and Asia-Pacific, to weave a comparative analysis of the interplay between public policies and private interest. NeoPatrimonialism in Africa and Beyond is an important and timely volume that will be of interest to students and scholars of international politics, African studies, sociology and international development.

  • Patrimonialism and neoPatrimonialism: comparative trajectories and readings
    Commonwealth and Comparative Politics, 2011
    Co-Authors: Daniel Bach
    Abstract:

    There is a striking contrast between the dissemination of the concept of neopatrimonial rule in Africa and its more parsimonious mobilisation outside the continent. The increasing assimilation of the African neopatrimonial state to integral and predatory forms of politics has contributed to its perception as a global prototype of the 'anti-developmental' state. The article contrasts this trajectory with those observed in Latin America, South-East Asia, Russia and Central Asia. There, Patrimonialism and neoPatrimonialism have been associated with a greater axiological neutrality than in Africa due, inter alia, to the preservation of an analytical dichotomy between regulated and predatory forms of neoPatrimonialism. Neglected for all too long, the study of regulated forms of neoPatrimonialism in Africa calls for fresh empirical and theoretical attention.

  • The African neopatrimonial state as a global prototype
    Heidelberg Papers in South Asian and Comparative Politics, 2011
    Co-Authors: Daniel Bach
    Abstract:

    The concept of neopatrimonial rule was first applied to Africa in 1978, when Jean-François Médard undertook to account for the Cameroonian state‟s lack of institutionalization and "underdevelopment". The lack of distinction between office and officeholder, Médard went on, is masked behind discourses, juridical norms and institutions that nourish the illusion of a legal-bureaucratic logic. In the absence of a legitimizing ideology, the ruler owes his ability to remain in power to his capacity for transforming his monopolistic control over the state into a source of opportunities for family, friends and clients. NeoPatrimonialism in Africa is still classically viewed as the outcome of confusion between office and officeholder within a state endowed, at least formally, with modern institutions and bureaucratic procedures. The introduction of "neo" as a prefix, means that neoPatrimonialism is freed from the historical configurations to which Patrimonialism had been associated by Weber. The display of legal-bureaucratic norms and structures coexists with relations of authority based on interpersonal rather than impersonal interactions. This coexistence of Patrimonialism with legal-bureaucratic elements, begs the key question of the forms of interaction and their outcomes. Indeed, neoPatrimonialism infers a "dualistic situation, in which the state is characterized by patrimonialisation, as well as by bureaucratization". Such dualism translates into a wide array of empirical situations. What is ultimately at stake, however, is the state's capacity (or lack thereof) to produce 'public policies: political systems where patrimonial practices tend to be regulated and capped should be distinguished from those where the patrimonialisation of the state has become all-encompassing, with the consequent loss of any sense of public space or public policy.

Tim Kelsall - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • Neo-Patrimonialism, Rent-Seeking and Development: Going with the Grain?
    New Political Economy, 2012
    Co-Authors: Tim Kelsall
    Abstract:

    This contribution summarises research conducted by the Africa Power and Politics Programme, which finds that contrary to standard policy advice, neo-patrimonial governance can under certain conditions be compatible with a growth-enhancing investment climate.

  • Anti-developmental Patrimonialism in Zimbabwe
    Journal of Contemporary African Studies, 2012
    Co-Authors: Martin Dawson, Tim Kelsall
    Abstract:

    Research on investment1 climates and economic growth in developing countries is shifting from institutional ‘best practices’ towards ways in which developmentally successful regimes make use of economic rents. After discussing rent flows in Zimbabwe's history, the paper concludes that the country exhibits a pattern of centralised, short-term rent utilisation, with disastrous results, showing that the centralisation of rent-management by itself does not indicate a ‘developmental Patrimonialism’.

  • Rethinking the Relationship between Neo‐Patrimonialism and Economic Development in Africa
    IDS Bulletin, 2011
    Co-Authors: Tim Kelsall
    Abstract:

    Is it possible to work with the grain of neo‐patrimonial politics to boost investment and growth in Africa? Current donor orthodoxy is that neo‐Patrimonialism is irredeemably bad for economic development, but evidence from other regions, together with a re‐examination of the African record itself, suggests that this may not be true. We present evidence from case studies of Kenya, Cote d'Ivoire, Malawi and Rwanda to show that provided mechanisms can be found to centralise economic rents and manage them with a view to the long term, neo‐Patrimonialism can be harnessed for developmental ends.

  • rethinking the relationship between neo Patrimonialism and economic development in africa
    IDS Bulletin, 2011
    Co-Authors: Tim Kelsall
    Abstract:

    Is it possible to work with the grain of neo‐patrimonial politics to boost investment and growth in Africa? Current donor orthodoxy is that neo‐Patrimonialism is irredeemably bad for economic development, but evidence from other regions, together with a re‐examination of the African record itself, suggests that this may not be true. We present evidence from case studies of Kenya, Cote d'Ivoire, Malawi and Rwanda to show that provided mechanisms can be found to centralise economic rents and manage them with a view to the long term, neo‐Patrimonialism can be harnessed for developmental ends.

Riccardo Pelizzo - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • neo Patrimonialism and corruption evidence from 8 436 firms in 17 countries in sub saharan africa
    Public Administration Review, 2019
    Co-Authors: Eduardo Araral, Anton Pak, Riccardo Pelizzo
    Abstract:

    This article introduces four innovations to the literature on administrative corruption. First, it employs a neo-Patrimonialism framework by addressing measurement, identification, and endogeneity issues that beset the literature. Second, unlike cross-country studies, it uses firms as the unit of analysis. Third, unlike the conventional literature, the article uses large-n (n = 8,436) panel survey data of key informants in 17 countries in sub-Saharan Africa. Finally, unlike the conventional literature, the article focuses on a particular type of corruption: the supply and demand for bribery. The authors find that the uncertainty associated with neo-Patrimonialism has a strong, positive, and significant effect on the propensity of civil servants to demand bribes in exchange for services and for firms to supply bribes in exchange for winning government contracts. The results are robust to controls on the characteristics of firms and their regulatory environments. The article concludes with implications for research and practice.

Neil Robinson - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • Russian Neo-Patrimonialism and Putin’s ‘Cultural Turn’
    Europe-Asia Studies, 2017
    Co-Authors: Neil Robinson
    Abstract:

    AbstractRussian politics has been characterised by increasing cultural and political conservatism since Vladimir Putin’s return to the presidency. This article argues that Putin’s turn to cultural conservatism is a reaction to a crisis in Russia’s neo-patrimonial system. The article presents a model of neo-Patrimonialism and argues that the turn to cultural conservatism under Putin is only a partial solution to the problems of neo-Patrimonialism in Russia. This is because the turn towards cultural conservatism does not define any internal transformational tasks for Putin to fulfil.

  • russian neo Patrimonialism and putin s cultural turn
    Europe-Asia Studies, 2017
    Co-Authors: Neil Robinson
    Abstract:

    AbstractRussian politics has been characterised by increasing cultural and political conservatism since Vladimir Putin’s return to the presidency. This article argues that Putin’s turn to cultural conservatism is a reaction to a crisis in Russia’s neo-patrimonial system. The article presents a model of neo-Patrimonialism and argues that the turn to cultural conservatism under Putin is only a partial solution to the problems of neo-Patrimonialism in Russia. This is because the turn towards cultural conservatism does not define any internal transformational tasks for Putin to fulfil.

  • Russian Patrimonial Capitalism and the International Financial Crisis
    Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics, 2011
    Co-Authors: Neil Robinson
    Abstract:

    The international financial crisis brought Russia's run of economic growth to a halt and has given a greater sense of urgency to President Medvedev's calls for modernization. This, however, does not mean that crisis has changed Russia or its political economy. Russia's economic system is a form of patrimonial capitalism, a particular form of Patrimonialism created when patrimonial systems reform under the influence of global economic forces. Russian patrimonial capitalism developed in the 1990s and stabilized under Putin. This type of capitalism is hard to change and does not tend to promote economic modernization or diversification. The crisis has so far not fatally wounded this system, and this will make future reform harder to secure.

Frederick Goloobamutebi - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • developmental Patrimonialism the case of rwanda
    African Affairs, 2012
    Co-Authors: David Booth, Frederick Goloobamutebi
    Abstract:

    Academic debate on Rwanda has significant thematic gaps, and does not usually make use of a theoretically informed comparative framework. This article addresses one thematic gap – the distinctive approach of the RPF-led regime to political involvement in the private sector of the economy. It does so using the framework of a cross-national study which aims to distinguish between more and less developmental forms of neopatrimonial politics. The article analyses the RPF’s private business operations centred on the holding company known successively as TriStar Investments and Crystal Ventures Ltd. These operations are shown to involve the kind of centralized generation and management of economic rents that has distinguished the more developmental regimes of Asia and Africa. The operations of the military investment company Horizon and of the public–private consortium Rwanda Investment Group may be seen in a similar light. With some qualifications, we conclude that Rwanda should be seen as a developmental patrimonial state.