Cultural Theory

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Haley D Wikoff - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

Meredith A Rausch - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

Hank C Jenkinssmith - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • belief system continuity and change in policy advocacy coalitions using Cultural Theory to specify belief systems coalitions and sources of change
    Policy Studies Journal, 2014
    Co-Authors: Hank C Jenkinssmith, Kuhika Gupta, Carol L Silva, Joseph T Ripberger
    Abstract:

    This paper evaluates the prospects for application of the “grid/group” Cultural Theory (CT), as advanced by Mary Douglas and Aaron Wildavsky, to the Advocacy Coalition Theory (ACF). CT would seem to be relevant to several key aspects of the ACF: the content of the core beliefs that provide the “glue” that binds coalitions; the resilience of core beliefs and associated implications for belief change and learning; and the structure of coalitions and the mechanisms for coordination and control within them. The paper considers the compatibility of the ACF’s account of deep core beliefs and coalition structure with that of CT; surveys an array of empirical studies based on variations of CT; and extends accounts of change in Cultural identities from CT to the ACF. In addition, we highlight some of the ways in which the ACF may offer important theoretical insights for scholars of CT, potentially clarifying hypotheses concerning the relationships among basic worldviews, more specific beliefs, and behaviors.

  • Cultural Theory and the measurement of deep core beliefs within the advocacy coalition framework
    Policy Studies Journal, 2014
    Co-Authors: Joseph T Ripberger, Kuhika Gupta, Carol L Silva, Hank C Jenkinssmith
    Abstract:

    Deep core beliefs represent an important yet theoretically underspecified concept within the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF). This underspecification can (in part) be attributed to the ad hoc way in which ACF scholars have defined and measured the concept over time. To overcome this, we advocate the development and future use of a standardized metric for measuring deep core beliefs in ACF studies. Such a measure, we contend, should be multidimensional, generalizable, measurable using multiple techniques, and broad enough in scope to operate across virtually all policy domains. Using these criteria as our benchmark, we evaluate the viability of Cultural Theory (CT) as one such metric. In short, we find that CT meets all of these criteria, and therefore provides ACF scholars with a way to measure deep core beliefs across enduring public policy disputes that are demarcated by conflicting belief systems. Accordingly, we advocate its use in future studies.

  • a second look at the relationship between Cultural Theory political ideology and political knowledge
    2011
    Co-Authors: Joseph T Ripberger, Geoboo Song, Matthew C Nowlin, Michael D. Jones, Hank C Jenkinssmith
    Abstract:

    Numerous scholars have employed Cultural Theory (CT) to explain preferences, opinions, and risk perceptions across an array of issues. Recent research by Michaud, Carlisle, & Smith (2009) challenges the CT approach in two critical ways: first, they find that people with low levels of political knowledge are unable to recognize the latent dimensionality of egalitarianism and individualism, which are two of the four worldviews proposed by CT; second, they find that people with high levels of political knowledge treat these two dimensions as if they were opposite ends of a single scale of political ideology. This article presents a quasi-replication and extension of their study using a nationwide sample of 4,387 respondents in which measures of all four dimensions of CT were collected. We find that: 1) people with low levels of political knowledge are able to sort egalitarianism and individualism into coherent worldviews; 2) people with high levels of political knowledge do not collapse egalitarianism and individualism onto a single scale of political ideology; 3) all groups of people, regardless of political knowledge, are able to recognize all four dimensions of CT.

  • Cultural Theory and national security the role of Cultural orientations in americans preferences for security and nuclear deterrence
    2011
    Co-Authors: Hank C Jenkinssmith, Kerry G Herron, Joseph T Ripberger
    Abstract:

    Taking positions on national security issues, ranging from nuclear war to terrorism, necessarily engages values. Perceived security threats and the preferred means for dealing with them are in part derived from people’s preferences for how basic social relationships should be structured and maintained. This paper focuses on the ways in which fundamental world-views, following Mary Douglas’ and Aaron Wildavsky’s conception of Cultural Theory (CT), shape perceived risks in the international arena, including preferred responses to terrorist threats and preferences for US nuclear deterrence capabilities. Of particular interest is how CT measures perform when compared to more traditional political variables, such as political ideology or partisanship. The data for this analysis are taken from a set of nationwide US public surveys (telephone and Internet based) with common sets of questions taken in 1995, 2008, and 2009. Overall the dataset includes over 6,167 individual interviews. The data permit analysis of the ways in which measures of CT orientations (hierarchy, egalitarianism, and individualism), political ideology and partisanship shape perceptions of perceived risks (and benefits) and an array of policy preferences in the international arena. We find that the CT measures perform quite well in comparison to more traditional partisan and ideological measures. Of particular interest is our finding that, depending on the nature of the issue, individualists align sometimes with hierarchs and at other time with egalitarians. CT thus provides a substantially more nuanced depiction of the coalitions that can be expected to support and oppose important security policy initiatives.

Joseph T Ripberger - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • belief system continuity and change in policy advocacy coalitions using Cultural Theory to specify belief systems coalitions and sources of change
    Policy Studies Journal, 2014
    Co-Authors: Hank C Jenkinssmith, Kuhika Gupta, Carol L Silva, Joseph T Ripberger
    Abstract:

    This paper evaluates the prospects for application of the “grid/group” Cultural Theory (CT), as advanced by Mary Douglas and Aaron Wildavsky, to the Advocacy Coalition Theory (ACF). CT would seem to be relevant to several key aspects of the ACF: the content of the core beliefs that provide the “glue” that binds coalitions; the resilience of core beliefs and associated implications for belief change and learning; and the structure of coalitions and the mechanisms for coordination and control within them. The paper considers the compatibility of the ACF’s account of deep core beliefs and coalition structure with that of CT; surveys an array of empirical studies based on variations of CT; and extends accounts of change in Cultural identities from CT to the ACF. In addition, we highlight some of the ways in which the ACF may offer important theoretical insights for scholars of CT, potentially clarifying hypotheses concerning the relationships among basic worldviews, more specific beliefs, and behaviors.

  • Cultural Theory and the measurement of deep core beliefs within the advocacy coalition framework
    Policy Studies Journal, 2014
    Co-Authors: Joseph T Ripberger, Kuhika Gupta, Carol L Silva, Hank C Jenkinssmith
    Abstract:

    Deep core beliefs represent an important yet theoretically underspecified concept within the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF). This underspecification can (in part) be attributed to the ad hoc way in which ACF scholars have defined and measured the concept over time. To overcome this, we advocate the development and future use of a standardized metric for measuring deep core beliefs in ACF studies. Such a measure, we contend, should be multidimensional, generalizable, measurable using multiple techniques, and broad enough in scope to operate across virtually all policy domains. Using these criteria as our benchmark, we evaluate the viability of Cultural Theory (CT) as one such metric. In short, we find that CT meets all of these criteria, and therefore provides ACF scholars with a way to measure deep core beliefs across enduring public policy disputes that are demarcated by conflicting belief systems. Accordingly, we advocate its use in future studies.

  • a second look at the relationship between Cultural Theory political ideology and political knowledge
    2011
    Co-Authors: Joseph T Ripberger, Geoboo Song, Matthew C Nowlin, Michael D. Jones, Hank C Jenkinssmith
    Abstract:

    Numerous scholars have employed Cultural Theory (CT) to explain preferences, opinions, and risk perceptions across an array of issues. Recent research by Michaud, Carlisle, & Smith (2009) challenges the CT approach in two critical ways: first, they find that people with low levels of political knowledge are unable to recognize the latent dimensionality of egalitarianism and individualism, which are two of the four worldviews proposed by CT; second, they find that people with high levels of political knowledge treat these two dimensions as if they were opposite ends of a single scale of political ideology. This article presents a quasi-replication and extension of their study using a nationwide sample of 4,387 respondents in which measures of all four dimensions of CT were collected. We find that: 1) people with low levels of political knowledge are able to sort egalitarianism and individualism into coherent worldviews; 2) people with high levels of political knowledge do not collapse egalitarianism and individualism onto a single scale of political ideology; 3) all groups of people, regardless of political knowledge, are able to recognize all four dimensions of CT.

  • Cultural Theory and national security the role of Cultural orientations in americans preferences for security and nuclear deterrence
    2011
    Co-Authors: Hank C Jenkinssmith, Kerry G Herron, Joseph T Ripberger
    Abstract:

    Taking positions on national security issues, ranging from nuclear war to terrorism, necessarily engages values. Perceived security threats and the preferred means for dealing with them are in part derived from people’s preferences for how basic social relationships should be structured and maintained. This paper focuses on the ways in which fundamental world-views, following Mary Douglas’ and Aaron Wildavsky’s conception of Cultural Theory (CT), shape perceived risks in the international arena, including preferred responses to terrorist threats and preferences for US nuclear deterrence capabilities. Of particular interest is how CT measures perform when compared to more traditional political variables, such as political ideology or partisanship. The data for this analysis are taken from a set of nationwide US public surveys (telephone and Internet based) with common sets of questions taken in 1995, 2008, and 2009. Overall the dataset includes over 6,167 individual interviews. The data permit analysis of the ways in which measures of CT orientations (hierarchy, egalitarianism, and individualism), political ideology and partisanship shape perceptions of perceived risks (and benefits) and an array of policy preferences in the international arena. We find that the CT measures perform quite well in comparison to more traditional partisan and ideological measures. Of particular interest is our finding that, depending on the nature of the issue, individualists align sometimes with hierarchs and at other time with egalitarians. CT thus provides a substantially more nuanced depiction of the coalitions that can be expected to support and oppose important security policy initiatives.

Dan M Kahan - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • Cultural cognition as a conception of the Cultural Theory of risk
    2008
    Co-Authors: Dan M Kahan
    Abstract:

    Cultural cognition refers to the tendency of individuals to form beliefs about societal dangers that reflect and reinforce their commitments to particular visions of the ideal society. Cultural cognition is one of a variety of approaches designed to empirically test the Cultural Theory of risk associated with Mary Douglas and Aaron Wildavsky. This commentary discusses the distinctive features of Cultural cognition as a conception of Cultural Theory, including its Cultural worldview measures; its emphasis on social psychological mechanisms that connect individuals' risk perceptions to their Cultural outlooks; and its practical goal of enabling self-conscious management of popular risk perceptions in the interest of promoting scientifically sound public policies that are congenial to persons of diverse outlooks.

  • caught in the crossfire a defense of the Cultural Theory of gun risk perceptions
    University of Pennsylvania Law Review, 2003
    Co-Authors: Dan M Kahan, Donald Braman
    Abstract:

    Anyone who despairs of the prospect for consensus in the American gun debate should be heartened by the commentaries on our article.' Cook and Ludwig finally see eye-to-eye with Lott and Mustard. Of course, the consensus among the commentators that we must be wrong about something doesn't hearten us. We are truly gratified by their thoughtful commentaries, though, and we will now try to return the favor-by returning fire.

  • caught in the crossfire a defense of the Cultural Theory of gun risk perceptions
    Social Science Research Network, 2003
    Co-Authors: Donald Braman, Dan M Kahan
    Abstract:

    In this article, Dan Kahan and Donald Braman expand upon the Cultural Theory of gun-risk perception and respond to the commentaries on their previous article, More Statistics, Less Persuasion: A Cultural Theory of Gun-Risk Perceptions, 151 U. Pa. L. Rev. 1291 (2003). Their critics argue that the authors are too quick to dismiss the power of empirical information to influence individuals’ positions on gun control. But in analyzing the variety of their critics’ arguments, Kahan and Braman note the strange pattern of opinions that has emerged on the relative importance of culture and data in the gun debate. What could explain the puzzling congruence of opinion among staunch procontrollers and anticontrolles, all of whom concluded that data mattered most? What commonality could explain the agreement of a Texas law professor and a British social anthropologist that culture is in fact more important? Committed to furnishing empirical proof of the powerlessness of empirical proofs, Kahan and Braman constructed a regression analysis to answer these questions. They conclude in this article that this final study conclusively proves their assertion that statistics are incapable of persuading anyone to accept anything they don’t already believe; or, in other words, that the Cultural basis of gun-risk perceptions better explains public perceptions in the gun control debate than a pure empirical information Theory.

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