The Experts below are selected from a list of 36567 Experts worldwide ranked by ideXlab platform
Ho, Chun Yin - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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The Chessboard of Hong Kong and Chinese Politics: The Downfall of “One Country, Two Systems”
The University of Waikato, 2018Co-Authors: Ho, Chun YinAbstract:Since the establishment of the new China in 1949, Hong Kong has been battling to handle the China factor. The “One Country, Two Systems” method has been pursued to balance between China and Hong Kong after 1997. Hong Kong’s Basic Law aims to embody a high degree of autonomy in most local affairs. Although Hong Kong primarily did not explicitly concur the transfer of sovereignty to China, there was no radical confrontation but rather a peaceful and harmonious transition in 1997. Only six years later, the 1 July 2003 protest exposed the fragility of Hong Kong politics with authorities facing the sturdy Democratic Movement. At the same time, the non-interventionist approach of the Chinese government came to an end, and they started to take a more hard-lined approach. Twenty years after the transfer, Hong Kong shows intensification in its “anti-China” sentiment, surrounded by strengthening social and economic incorporation with China. After the breakout of the Umbrella Movement and the Mong Kok riot, the frustration of the masses exemplifies the failure of Hong Kong’s governments to deal with numerous social issues and political matters. The deepening of Beijing’s interference in local affairs indicates the collapse of the “One Country, Two Systems” and the Basic Law. The upsurge of the Hong Kong- China social and economic integration has made both places closely interdependent but it has inevitably brought greater confrontation and aggression against the Central government and mainland Chinese. The younger generations in Hong Kong do not yield to the fate of Hong Kong eventually falling into Chinese hands. The new political spectrum and social Movements have led to a mechanism of localism and Hong Kong independence in challenging the supreme role of China in Hong Kong. The tightened political control and deteriorating civil rights coerced by China have heightened the anti-China feeling. Besides, the ideological manipulation is widespread in Hong Kong schools by executing Mandarin and simplified Chinese teachings, implementing China-centred national education, and engineering regular Hong Kong – mainland student exchange programmes. This research aims to show that a polarised Hong Kong is on the edge of giving up its civil rights, distinctive values, and the rights of autonomy to China which is able to justify its aggressive intervention. Hong Kong could enter into a greater number of conflicts between the masses and the ruling class. The ultimate goal of the Chinese government is to continue protecting their vested interest, colossal investments, and the final rights of the three supreme powers of the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of Hong Kong. Further, the population flow from China will become a prevailing group, replacing the disobedient and rebellious peoples in Hong Kong and turning Hong Kong into a patriotic Chinese city in the future. This research concludes that there are a number of strong internal factors and many external components that can result in several possible scenarios in Hong Kong. However, there are three important perceptions including political, economic, and societal sectors which can analyse the foreseeable outcomes for Hong Kong under the influence of China
Ngai Pun - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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Reflecting on Hong Kong protests in 2019–2020
'University of Chicago Press', 2020Co-Authors: Ngai PunAbstract:Mass protests erupted in June 2019 in Hong Kong due to widespread anger about a proposed amendment to the extradition law. As a global project, could the goal of pursuing democratization be narrowly confined to a single place such as Hong Kong? What can be learned from a leaderless Democratic Movement, by those who are concerned about the future of Hong Kong? Can we learn some lessons from the Hong Kong Movement—from the nuanced actions, complex strategies of mobilization, and the huge number of Movement participants—and reflect upon them? Radical refers not only to the escalation of physical force but also the alternative imagination and praxis of Democratic visions that should be bigger than the Movement at this stage. Hong Kong is a global city; it deserves a radical politics aimed at linking transnational social Movements that could possibly transgress the localistic approach of social struggles
Annette Freyberg-inan - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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From prosecution to persecution: perceptions of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in Serbian domestic politics
Journal of International Relations and Development, 2008Co-Authors: Marlene Spoerri, Annette Freyberg-inanAbstract:This paper explores the interconnections between the activities of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), their domestic perception in Serbia, and the effects of these perceptions on the recent evolution of Serbian politics. It argues that negative perceptions of the Tribunal have impacted upon domestic power balances by bolstering support for anti-reform forces and undermining the strength of the liberal Democratic Movement. The result is a destabilization of Serbia's liberal Democratic transition. The paper aims to develop an understanding of how and why these destabilizing effects can take place. It argues that the ICTY's discursive linkage not to the norms of reconciliation or justice but, rather, to the experience of conditionality and the threat of international isolation has provided fertile grounds for anti-reformist revivals. It is this perceived international context that renders the experience of international transitional justice in Serbia, all too often, not one of prosecution but one of persecution.
Marlene Spoerri - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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From prosecution to persecution: perceptions of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in Serbian domestic politics
Journal of International Relations and Development, 2008Co-Authors: Marlene Spoerri, Annette Freyberg-inanAbstract:This paper explores the interconnections between the activities of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), their domestic perception in Serbia, and the effects of these perceptions on the recent evolution of Serbian politics. It argues that negative perceptions of the Tribunal have impacted upon domestic power balances by bolstering support for anti-reform forces and undermining the strength of the liberal Democratic Movement. The result is a destabilization of Serbia's liberal Democratic transition. The paper aims to develop an understanding of how and why these destabilizing effects can take place. It argues that the ICTY's discursive linkage not to the norms of reconciliation or justice but, rather, to the experience of conditionality and the threat of international isolation has provided fertile grounds for anti-reformist revivals. It is this perceived international context that renders the experience of international transitional justice in Serbia, all too often, not one of prosecution but one of persecution.
Mangueleze, Maria De Lurdes - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.
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À l'ombre du parti-état : démocratie et responsabilité en contexte de paternalisme autoritaire
HAL CCSD, 2018Co-Authors: Mangueleze, Maria De LurdesAbstract:What are the concrete practices of political accountability and how do they make it possible to understand the nature and methods of negotiations of power within the State in Mozambique? This study makes a contribution to the debates over the last thirty years over the phenomena of Democratic institutionalization during the third wave of democratization. Within this framework, political accountability is seen as the necessary instrument capable of provoking change in authoritarian regimes, by removing the authoritarian “residue” from the newly established democracies. Through a careful reading of the literature, this research has highlighted that the founding of political accountability is a process that reveals transformative dynamics as a place of confluences and negotiations between various political arenas and authorities that make up the structure of political regimes. The idea of democracy in Mozambique has facilitated the linking of various experiences, which have aided in reformulating or accelerating the process of Democratic institutionalization. These experiences should be analyzed in their historicity, while also incorporating modern elements motivated by political competition by the balance of power between Frelimo, and Renamo and Democratic Movement of Mozambique (MDM). The contribution of this study is to think of Democratic institutionalization as a transformative process and political accountability as being intrinsically sown into the links between the dominant powers, based on the experiences of the actors involved in the process of Democratic institutionalization and the connections they establish amongst themselves. In other words, this project is not merely macro-political, but rather combines all the levels of power, most notably from the bottom. This research is founded on fieldwork done in two districts: Chibuto (South) where Frelimo is largely favored and Gondola (Center) where Renamo has gained political support.Quelles sont les pratiques de la responsabilité politique et comment permettent-elles de comprendre la nature et les modalités de négociation du pouvoir de l’État au Mozambique ? Ce questionnement s’insère dans les débats des trente dernières années sur les phénomènes d’institutionnalisation démocratique au cours de la troisième vague de démocratisation. Dans ce débat, la responsabilité politique est vue comme l’instrument capable et nécessaire pour changer les régimes autoritaires, c’est-à-dire capable d’en finir avec les « résidus » autoritaires dans les nouvelles démocraties. À partir du dialogue avec la littérature, cette recherche appréhende la mise en place de la responsabilité politique comme un processus qui met en relief la dynamique transformative, comme espace de rencontres et de négociations entre plusieurs arènes et autorités qui composent la maille des régimes politiques. L’idée démocratique au Mozambique a permis et permet de mettre en articulation diverses expériences qui ont été capables de reformuler ou d’accélérer le processus d’institutionnalisation démocratique. Ces expériences doivent être analysées dans leur historicité mais incorporent des éléments de la modernité motivés par la compétition politique entre le pouvoir du Frelimo, la Renamo et aujourd’hui le MDM. La contribution de cette thèse est de penser l’institutionnalisation démocratique comme un processus transformatif et la responsabilité politique comme intrinsèquement soudée aux rapports de pouvoir dominants. Il s’agit de partir des expériences des acteurs dans le processus d’institutionnalisation démocratique au travers des rapports qu’ils établissent entre eux. En d’autres termes, il s’agit de ne pas en rester à une analyse macro-politique, mais de conjuguer tous les niveaux de pouvoir, en les regardant principalement à partir du bas. Cette recherche est fondée sur un travail de terrain dans deux districts, celui de Chibuto (sud) où le Frelimo est largement soutenu et celui de Gondola (centre) dans lequel la Renamo a l’ascendant politique
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In the shadow of the party-state : democracy and accountability in the context of authoritarian paternalism
2018Co-Authors: Mangueleze, Maria De LurdesAbstract:Quelles sont les pratiques de la responsabilité politique et comment permettent-elles de comprendre la nature et les modalités de négociation du pouvoir de l’État au Mozambique ? Ce questionnement s’insère dans les débats des trente dernières années sur les phénomènes d’institutionnalisation démocratique au cours de la troisième vague de démocratisation. Dans ce débat, la responsabilité politique est vue comme l’instrument capable et nécessaire pour changer les régimes autoritaires, c’est-à-dire capable d’en finir avec les « résidus » autoritaires dans les nouvelles démocraties. À partir du dialogue avec la littérature, cette recherche appréhende la mise en place de la responsabilité politique comme un processus qui met en relief la dynamique transformative, comme espace de rencontres et de négociations entre plusieurs arènes et autorités qui composent la maille des régimes politiques. L’idée démocratique au Mozambique a permis et permet de mettre en articulation diverses expériences qui ont été capables de reformuler ou d’accélérer le processus d’institutionnalisation démocratique. Ces expériences doivent être analysées dans leur historicité mais incorporent des éléments de la modernité motivés par la compétition politique entre le pouvoir du Frelimo, la Renamo et aujourd’hui le MDM. La contribution de cette thèse est de penser l’institutionnalisation démocratique comme un processus transformatif et la responsabilité politique comme intrinsèquement soudée aux rapports de pouvoir dominants. Il s’agit de partir des expériences des acteurs dans le processus d’institutionnalisation démocratique au travers des rapports qu’ils établissent entre eux. En d’autres termes, il s’agit de ne pas en rester à une analyse macro-politique, mais de conjuguer tous les niveaux de pouvoir, en les regardant principalement à partir du bas. Cette recherche est fondée sur un travail de terrain dans deux districts, celui de Chibuto (sud) où le Frelimo est largement soutenu et celui de Gondola (centre) dans lequel la Renamo a l’ascendant politique.What are the concrete practices of political accountability and how do they make it possible to understand the nature and methods of negotiations of power within the State in Mozambique? This study makes a contribution to the debates over the last thirty years over the phenomena of Democratic institutionalization during the third wave of democratization. Within this framework, political accountability is seen as the necessary instrument capable of provoking change in authoritarian regimes, by removing the authoritarian “residue” from the newly established democracies. Through a careful reading of the literature, this research has highlighted that the founding of political accountability is a process that reveals transformative dynamics as a place of confluences and negotiations between various political arenas and authorities that make up the structure of political regimes. The idea of democracy in Mozambique has facilitated the linking of various experiences, which have aided in reformulating or accelerating the process of Democratic institutionalization. These experiences should be analyzed in their historicity, while also incorporating modern elements motivated by political competition by the balance of power between Frelimo, and Renamo and Democratic Movement of Mozambique (MDM). The contribution of this study is to think of Democratic institutionalization as a transformative process and political accountability as being intrinsically sown into the links between the dominant powers, based on the experiences of the actors involved in the process of Democratic institutionalization and the connections they establish amongst themselves. In other words, this project is not merely macro-political, but rather combines all the levels of power, most notably from the bottom. This research is founded on fieldwork done in two districts: Chibuto (South) where Frelimo is largely favored and Gondola (Center) where Renamo has gained political support