The Experts below are selected from a list of 288 Experts worldwide ranked by ideXlab platform

Jonathan Kirkup - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • Liberal Party reaction to the lib lab pact
    2016
    Co-Authors: Jonathan Kirkup
    Abstract:

    Academic analysis of the response to the Lib-Lab Pact has focused almost exclusively on the Liberal Party.1 There has been no in-depth analysis of the Labour Party’s response to the Pact.2 Of those studies which have commented on Labour’s response, the broad conclusion has been that while there was hostility within the left wing of the Parliamentary Labour Party (PLP) about the concept of cross-Party co-operation, more generally the Party was ambivalent about the Agreement.3

  • The parliamentary agreement between the Labour Party and the Liberal Party 1977-1978 ‘The Lib-Lab Pact’
    2012
    Co-Authors: Jonathan Kirkup
    Abstract:

    This thesis is a chronological case study into the origins, operation and consequences of the Lib-Lab Pact 1977-1978. Cross-Party co-operation in British politics since 1945 is assessed. David Steel’s election as Liberal Party leader, his political philosophy and strategy are examined. Concepts of realignment, ‘co-operation strategy’ are explored. The parliamentary and political events together with a detailed assessment of the inter-Party negotiations which led the Pact are examined. New perspectives include: the significance of the leader-led nature of the negotiation process; the Labour-Ulster Unionist understanding which ran concurrent with the Pact; the importance of Lib-Lab discussions on devolution which pre-dated the Pact in influencing Steel’s subsequent decision-making. Analysis focuses on the Lib-Lab negotiations into if the Direct Elections to the European Parliament Bill should include a proportional voting system and whether the parliamentary Labour Party should be compelled to vote for PR. A key finding of the thesis is that rather than allowing a free vote, as was agreed, the Prime Minister, James Callaghan, was prepared to offer the Liberals a ‘pay roll’ vote; the significance of Michael Foot in this process is also noted. The structure of the Lib-Lab consultative mechanism is reviewed. Case studies include a review of on Liberal policy influence on the Budget 1977 and 1978. The nature of intra-Party dissent is reviewed with the difference between Labour and the Liberal parties noted. An examination of the serious internecine conflict is complemented by a reassessment of the role of Christopher Mayhew in this process. The Lib-Lab Pact is reviewed, assessing its affect in influencing Callaghan’s decision not to call a General Election in 1978; its influence on Liberal/Liberal Democrat Party strategy, and its importance in the subsequent formation of the triple-lock, as such the thesis highlighting the Pacts relevance to subsequent cross-Party understandings.

Simon Mackley - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • Liberal Party politics the south african war and the rhetoric of imperial governance
    Twentieth Century British History, 2017
    Co-Authors: Simon Mackley
    Abstract:

    This article examines the imperial rhetoric of the Liberal Party during the South African War of 1899-1902, charting its use and development across five key controversies spanning the course of the conflict. Moving beyond traditional interpretations of the Liberal split as the product of competing visions of Empire and approaches to imperialism, this article argues for the need to recognize also the continuities within the imperial rhetoric of fin-de-siecle British Liberalism. Building on recent studies of political languages, it identifies how Liberal speakers from across the Party operated within a rhetorical framework that emphasized three ideals of imperial governance: good government, self-government, and pluralism. In doing so, this article seeks to advance our understanding of the South African War as an episode in British Party politics, demonstrating the complexity and nuance of the Liberal Party's response to the conflict. Furthermore, by undertaking an in-depth exploration of the rhetoric of imperial governance, this article highlights the Liberal response to the South African War as a case study for the reinvention and reiteration of both Party and imperial languages in early twentieth-century Britain, with the potential to offer new insights into the political and imperial cultures of the period.

Gavin J Freeman - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • the decline of the Liberal Party in the heart of england the Liberals in leicestershire 1914 24
    Historical Research, 2016
    Co-Authors: Gavin J Freeman
    Abstract:

    This article uses the county of Leicestershire to examine the decline of the Liberal Party from the outbreak of the First World War to the debacle of 1924, when they were reduced to forty M.P.s. It argues that while the crisis of December 1916 was the beginning of the split within the Party, this was not inevitably permanent. It was the ‘Coupon’ election of 1918 that widened the division and brought about a political realignment which changed the electoral landscape. The article shows that at the crucial formative period of the greatly enlarged electorate, Liberalism was divided at the grass-roots, enabling the success of the Conservative and Labour parties.

  • The decline of the Liberal Party in the heart of England: the Liberals in Leicestershire, 1914–24
    Historical Research, 2015
    Co-Authors: Gavin J Freeman
    Abstract:

    This article uses the county of Leicestershire to examine the decline of the Liberal Party from the outbreak of the First World War to the debacle of 1924, when they were reduced to forty M.P.s. It argues that while the crisis of December 1916 was the beginning of the split within the Party, this was not inevitably permanent. It was the ‘Coupon’ election of 1918 that widened the division and brought about a political realignment which changed the electoral landscape. The article shows that at the crucial formative period of the greatly enlarged electorate, Liberalism was divided at the grass-roots, enabling the success of the Conservative and Labour parties.

Marija Taflaga - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • the challenges of transitioning from opposition to government Liberal Party planning for government 1983 1996
    Australian Journal of Politics and History, 2017
    Co-Authors: Marija Taflaga
    Abstract:

    Studies examining opposition transition to government processes and planning usually emphasise the responsibility of oppositions as a legislative institution and the role of Party leaders. However, such approaches place too much emphasis on notions of responsible opposition and Party leaders. They de-emphasise the importance of partisan considerations that shape transition planning or how Party organisations have attempted to assert control over parliamentary parties. Drawing on archival materials, policy documents, and elite interviews, this study examines both public and internal transition to government strategies undertaken by the Liberal Party of Australia during their opposition years (1983–1996). The paper finds that while Party leaders became more important over time, the Party organisation's involvement remained significant. The Liberal Party transition planning focused primarily on cabinet processes, Australian Public Service (APS) organisation, particularly the senior bureaucratic level, and selecting political staff. In so doing, the Liberal Party anticipated many of the Hawke government's 1987 reforms to the APS. The Liberal Party was motivated by its desire to restructure the machinery and culture of government and to allocate sufficient political staff resources to government. Its aim was to better equip the Party to achieve its political and ideological goals when next in government.

  • The Challenges of Transitioning from Opposition to Government: Liberal Party Planning for Government 1983 – 1996
    Australian Journal of Politics and History, 2017
    Co-Authors: Marija Taflaga
    Abstract:

    Studies examining opposition transition to government processes and planning usually emphasise the responsibility of oppositions as a legislative institution and the role of Party leaders. However, such approaches place too much emphasis on notions of responsible opposition and Party leaders. They de-emphasise the importance of partisan considerations that shape transition planning or how Party organisations have attempted to assert control over parliamentary parties. Drawing on archival materials, policy documents, and elite interviews, this study examines both public and internal transition to government strategies undertaken by the Liberal Party of Australia during their opposition years (1983–1996). The paper finds that while Party leaders became more important over time, the Party organisation's involvement remained significant. The Liberal Party transition planning focused primarily on cabinet processes, Australian Public Service (APS) organisation, particularly the senior bureaucratic level, and selecting political staff. In so doing, the Liberal Party anticipated many of the Hawke government's 1987 reforms to the APS. The Liberal Party was motivated by its desire to restructure the machinery and culture of government and to allocate sufficient political staff resources to government. Its aim was to better equip the Party to achieve its political and ideological goals when next in government.

David Dutton - One of the best experts on this subject based on the ideXlab platform.

  • a history of the Liberal Party since 1900
    2013
    Co-Authors: David Dutton
    Abstract:

    Acknowledgements.- Introduction.- 1. Strange Death or Edwardian Summer 1902-1916.- 2. The Liberal Civil War 1916-1935.- 3. So Few and So Futile 1935-1955.- 4. Two Steps Forward and one Back 1955-1979.- 5. A Cracked Mould and a New Beginning 1979-2001.- 6. Right into Government 2001-2011.- Conclusion .- Notes.- Guide to Further Reading.- Appendix: The Liberal Performance at General Elections Since 1900.- Appendix: Leaders of the Liberal (and Liberal Democrat) Party since 1900.- Index.

  • Liberal Nationalism and the Decline of the British Liberal Party: Three Case Studies
    Canadian journal of history, 2007
    Co-Authors: David Dutton
    Abstract:

    By the beginning of the 1930s, the British Liberal Party was in a state of long-term decline. After years of internal dispute and division the Party had apparently come together again under the leadership of David Lloyd George to fight the general election of 1929, offering the electorate an imaginative set of proposals to deal with the prevailing scourge of unemployment. But the electoral return of just fifty-nine MPs came as a bitter disappointment, and the following two years were marked by a return to bitter internecine disputes. Fresh lines of division emerged over the appropriate attitude to take towards Ramsay MacDonald's minority Labour government, whether the central Liberal principle of free trade could still be upheld in a world that was rapidly going over to protectionism and, latterly, the degree of enthusiasm felt for the National Government established in August 1931. Nonetheless, most Liberals, with the exception of a small family group around Lloyd George, found it possible to offer support to the new government when it sought a "doctor's mandate" from the electorate to carry out the measures necessary to rebuild the national economy. In terms of MPs returned, the Liberal Party enjoyed a modest revival in the general election of October 1931. Held in the peculiar circumstances in which the newly formed government sought authority for policies that had yet to be determined, and following a campaign which amounted in most cases to the Labour Party against the rest, as many as seventy-two successful Liberal candidates made their way to Westminster once the results were declared, an increase of thirteen on the figure secured in the general election of 1929. Such statistics are, however, misleading. The Party's gains were made at the expense of Labour in the absence of Conservative opposition, a function of the horse-trading which resulted from Liberal and Conservative participation in the National Government. Just ten of the seventy-two elected Liberals had triumphed over Tory opposition. In terms of votes cast, the continuing Liberal decline was only too apparent. There had been a drop of three million from the figure secured in 1929, though this was partially to be explained by the absence of Liberal candidates in many Conservative constituencies contested in 1929. Overall, Liberals stood in just 160 seats in 193 i compared with 513 two years earlier. Any satisfaction which Liberals sought to derive from their increased representation in the House of Commons did not last long. On 5 October 1931, three weeks before the general election, a group of about two dozen Liberal MPs, headed by Sir John Simon, had resolved to set up a body to support Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald "for the purpose of fighting a general election." After the election it became increasingly clear that the Simonites--or Liberal Nationals as they came to be called--were moving towards the creation of a separate Party. Their motives varied widely. Some genuinely believed that the national emergency was sufficiently grave to necessitate unequivocal support for the government, even if this involved the abandonment, perhaps temporarily, of established Liberal policies and principles such as free trade. Others were no doubt attracted by the prospect of the withdrawal of opposition, particularly Conservative, in their constituencies. Still more Liberal Nationals, frustrated by the impotence of Liberal politics over the previous decade and a half and alienated by the left-leaning instincts of Party leaders such as Lloyd George, were convinced that the historic Liberal Party was finished and that it was necessary to make a fresh start if Liberal values were to be preserved. At all events, the break was formalised following the Ottawa Economic Conference of July-August 1932. The resulting trade agreements, which imposed tariffs based upon imperial preference, prompted the resignation from the government of Liberal ministers from the mainstream Party now led by Sir Herbert Samuel. …